Published by Good Press, 2019

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Table of Contents

       REVOLUTION AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION

       I.

       GERMANY AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION.

       II.

       THE PRUSSIAN STATE.

       III.

       THE OTHER GERMAN STATES.

       IV.

       AUSTRIA.

       V.

       THE VIENNA INSURRECTION.

       VI.

       THE BERLIN INSURRECTION.

       VII.

       THE FRANKFORT NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

       VIII.

       POLES, TSCHECHS, AND GERMANS.

       IX.

       PANSLAVISM—THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN WAR.

       X.

       THE PARIS RISING—THE FRANKFORT ASSEMBLY.

       XI.

       THE VIENNA INSURRECTION.

       XII.

       THE STORMING OF VIENNA—THE BETRAYAL OF VIENNA.

       XIII.

       THE PRUSSIAN ASSEMBLY—THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

       XIV.

       THE RESTORATION OF ORDER—DIET AND CHAMBER

       XV.

       THE TRIUMPH OF PRUSSIA.

       XVI.

       THE ASSEMBLY AND THE GOVERNMENTS.

       XVII.

       INSURRECTION.

       XVIII.

       PETTY TRADERS.

       XIX.

       THE CLOSE OF THE INSURRECTION.

       XX.

       THE LATE TRIAL AT COLOGNE.

REVOLUTION AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION

       Table of Contents

I.

       Table of Contents

GERMANY AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION.

       Table of Contents

      October 25, 1851.

      The first act of the revolutionary drama on the continent of Europe has closed. The "powers that were" before the hurricane of 1848 are again the "powers that be," and the more or less popular rulers of a day, provisional governors, triumvirs, dictators, with their tail of representatives, civil commissioners, military commissioners, prefects, judges, generals, officers, and soldiers, are thrown upon foreign shores, and "transported beyond the seas" to England or America, there to form new governments in partibus infidelium, European committees, central committees, national committees, and to announce their advent with proclamations quite as solemn as those of any less imaginary potentates.

      A more signal defeat than that undergone by the continental revolutionary party—or rather parties—upon all points of the line of battle, cannot be imagined. But what of that? Has not the struggle of the British middle classes for their social and political supremacy embraced forty-eight, that of the French middle classes forty years of unexampled struggles? And was their triumph ever nearer than at the very moment when restored monarchy thought itself more firmly settled than ever? The times