The Politics of Mapping. Bernard Debarbieux

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The Politics of Mapping - Bernard Debarbieux


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      In the first map (see Figure 1.2), we are talking about a population located in Palestine, which has been dispersed into many parts of Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, which makes the proposal that this population could rebuild a state in its place of origin through the creation of Israel coherent. In the second map (see Figure 1.3), constructed on the basis of the work by the historian Sand (2008), we discover that the Jews were much more numerous and, at many historical periods, more powerful, outside of Palestine – notably in the Roman Empire, in the Maghreb, in Yemen, in Ethiopia, on the shores of the Black Sea and then in northeastern Europe – than inside; the “Diaspora” never happened and most of the Jews before the Nazi extermination were much more likely to be natives than refugees, and the Palestinians of today are the main descendants of the Hebrews of Ancient Rome. The aim of the project was to make these different visions comparable through graphic semiology. However, these two maps are so divergent in all phases of their conception and realization that it would have been technically acrobatic and intellectually dangerous to make them visually comparable. Here, the map refrains from creating a common language, but instead highlights the incommunicability between two representations of space.

      The crude dichotomy between true and false maps is of course still strong when it comes to factual errors or deliberate manipulation of data. For the rest, it appears to be the heir of an era when cartography belonged to the imagination of a weakly reflexive positivist engineering: it was believed that there was one “true map”, satisfying the mathematical rules of projection and geolocalization, and all of the others were false. If, on the other hand, we see all maps as true, each in their own way, as can be said, for example, of the discourses of people answering semi-structured interviews as part of scientific surveys, we have a large corpus on which we can propose statements concerning the regime of truth (intentional lying then being, unquestionably, a specific case), but also other aspects, which can unite or separate these different images according to various criteria.

      The case of the mutation of electoral spaces in the West allows us to understand this difference. This new configuration, which is omnipresent and massively recurrent, is so clear that it can be formalized simply by means of two equations1 (Lévy 2020). Its legibility is improved by the use of cartograms. While a Euclidean base map relies on the geometric homology between angles, lengths or surfaces on the space to be represented and on the map, the cartogram opens up the range of possibilities by making the map surfaces correspond to any series of geolocalized variables of the reference reality – population, production, etc. – while respecting a few topological rules (each spatial unit remains well surrounded by its neighbors), which makes it possible to maintain a cartographic relationship between the image and the reality it represents.


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