Museum Practice. Группа авторов

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Museum Practice - Группа авторов


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very influential. But from 2001 they were replaced by cross-cutting MLA’s regional agencies, intended to reflect and be more controllable by MLA itself.

      Regional government reached its high-water mark in 2004 when a referendum about the creation of a Regional Assembly was held in the Northeast. The rejection of the offer of devolved power in one of the most partisan of all the English regions effectively killed off regional government as a policy objective and left its organs vulnerable to retrenchment or changes in central government. After New Labour lost power in 2010, virtually all the English regional bodies were disbanded, though the devolved Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly survived.

      New Labour had high expectations of museums and galleries, given that a sizeable percentage of DCMS’s operational spend and activity was dedicated to museums. Most of the policy initiatives were either applied to museums or they were indirectly deeply affected by them (as in local government, for example). Specific initiatives identified in A New Cultural Framework (DCMS 1998) included the creation of a new strategic agency for museums, archives, and libraries (Resource, subsequently MLA), the imposition of public service agreements, and the establishment of a watchdog, QUEST (the Quality, Efficiency and Standards Team). But it was two other initiatives, discussed below, that headlined: the introduction of free admission to all national museums and galleries and the unprecedented funding of regional museums following the Renaissance in the Regions report (RMTF 2001).

      Previous sections have highlighted the evolution of museum policy, the sector’s regulatory frameworks and the impact of legislation over the past 30 or so years. Many of the changes introduced appeared to have been driven by ideological differences. Access-for-all policies (as manifest in free admission) have been promoted by planning for a better society, while an absence of policy reflects a belief in allowing the market to determine what happens. However, the increasing centrism of British politics means differences between the Left and Right are now much less stark than they once were – something that is perhaps reflected in the current Coalition’s cultural policies and the case studies that follow.

      One year into its first term of office, the absolute priority of Britain’s Coalition Government, the first for over 50 years, remains the national debt. At the end of December 2010 general government debt was £1105.8 billion, equivalent to 76.1 percent of GDP – the largest budget deficit in the UK’s post-war history. In practice, the Conservative and Liberal Democrat partnership’s recovery strategy has significantly accelerated the previous government’s plans to reduce the budget deficit. Its main instruments are the cutting of all government departments’ spending (with the exceptions of health and overseas aid), and the introduction of savings and reforms to welfare, tax, environmental levies, and public service pensions.

      The sector’s default position has been, as ever, to do the best it can with the hand it is dealt. Museums are trimming and shrinking their operations. In July 2011 it was claimed that one-fifth of museums had suffered cuts of over 25 percent (Newman and Toule 2011). But there is also a greater sense of crisis. More local authorities are not just talking about converting their museum services to trusts, running services jointly with neighbors, mothballing whole museums, or introducing admission charges – they are actually doing it. Birmingham, Carlisle, Derby, and Bournemouth are all local authorities where these measures are occurring. Whether such moves will escalate into a longer-term sectoral change remains to be seen.

      In contrast to New Labour, the Coalition’s announcements on cultural policy have been few and far between. To date (July 2011), DCMS’s major preoccupation has been with funding, the abolition of several of its quangos, including MLA, and its plans to boost philanthropy and increase Lottery funding available to the good causes. The Coalition’s “programme for government” (HM Government 2010, 14), and subsequent DCMS Structural Reform Plan (DCMS 2010) placed an emphasis on philanthropic and corporate investment. “Support to the sector is regarded as a way to ‘redress the balance’ where the market fails to deliver, and as contributing to conditions for growth in the cultural economy” (DCMS 2011, 1). More specifically, DCMS has undertaken to preserve museum collections and continue free entry to national museums and galleries (see case studies below). Other priorities recall those of previous Conservative administrations: cutting spending on administration, encouraging philanthropic giving, and reducing the dependence of museums on government funding (DCMS 2011, 4). Cameron also claims a vision for greater citizen engagement in government, calling for a “Big Society” where citizens have a greater say in what and how public services are delivered. Ultimately this goes beyond the volunteerism that is already essential to many museums. In acknowledging that GDP is an “incomplete way” of measuring the country’s progress, current Prime Minister Cameron charged the Office of National Statistics to develop measures around well-being and life satisfaction to inform social and economic policy:

      From April next year we will start measuring our progress as a country not just by how our economy is growing, but by how our lives are improving; not just by our standard of living, but by our quality of life (Cameron 2010).

      The indicators were due to be announced in late 2011, but museums have begun to lobby for public participation in museums to be acknowledged as contributing to national happiness (Thompson et al. 2011).

      Other than continuing reports of serious budget cuts, the main focus of discussion over the winter of 2011/12 was how the Arts Council would assimilate Renaissance funding into its existing programs and who would benefit from it. Arts Council England (ACE) agreed that Renaissance would retain its own identity for the short term but that fewer museums would be funded directly. In effect the Hub system was dismantled and museums were invited to apply for direct funding under the new regime. Sixteen museums were duly accepted as “major partner museums” (there had been 42 Hub museums) on the basis of criteria allegedly about excellence. There were relatively few surprises; Sheffield Museums Trust lost out and the East Midlands “region” is unrepresented. (Regionalism is once again out of favor with Conservative-led governments.)


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