Growing Up and Getting By. Группа авторов

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Growing Up and Getting By - Группа авторов


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the other segments of schools.

      A school situated in the ‘right place’

      To grasp the expansion of post-16, inner-city schools, there are two important analytical features that need to be understood. The first of these are the ‘socio-symbolic’ boundaries (Wacquant, 2015) of the city. These boundaries define differences within the Stockholm region and affect all schools. As such, schools situated in the urban periphery become discredited by their proximity to low-income groups, the number of migrants and other social characteristics. If we also account for student group composition, elevated in- and outflow of students and performance rated struggles, peripheral schools are dually punished in the contemporary educational markets (Bunar, 2009; 2011). On the other hand, schools situated in affluent areas may ‘profit’ (Bourdieu, 1999) from locational advantages. While this is usually discussed in the literature about suburbia (Jellison Holme, 2002) and rural boarding schools (Gaztambide-Fernández, 2009), less has been written about wealthier urban areas.

      Schools situated in the inner-city of Stockholm clearly illustrate how locational profits are accumulated. Besides profiting from the proximity to socio-economically well-off residents, many inner-city schools strategically appropriate the immediacy of the vibrant city as a competitive advantage. This includes references to lifestyles, shopping culture and outdoor eating on webpages and marketing pamphlets (Larsson and Hultqvist, 2017). As we will discuss later, these references echo the excitement of urbanity that some students long for. Nevertheless, these strategies differ, and the latter is generally referred to by recently established for-profit independent schools and in some cases also non-profit independent schools.

      The strategic use of architecture and school buildings

      The strategic manifestation of architecture and school buildings has been analysed before. Brooks and Waters (2015: 91), for instance, illustrate the use of images by elite schools and how these ‘support a narrative stressing tradition, stability and reliability’. Similar results could be found in the Swedish context, yet, in the contemporary Swedish system, the strategic use of architecture and school buildings varies substantially. Some schools put much effort into ‘the right location’, including the school buildings, whereas others rely more specifically on the geographical placement.

      While many pre-1992 independent schools are housed in ordinary school buildings dating back to the late 1800s and early 1900s, recent schools either have to purchase or rent office and residential buildings. These buildings vary in age, appearance and location. In some cases, they have been thoroughly converted into schools. In other words, little separates them from the regular outline of the city. This makes it hard to define what constitutes a contemporary school building. There are several reasons for this development. Mostly it is related to limited opportunities due to restricted space and real estate prices within the inner-city. As a consequence, whereas public schools – with a few exceptions – have a permanent address, independent schools do occasionally re-locate.

      The construction of a historical legacy

      

       Figure 2.1: Jensen Södra school


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