Innovation in Clusters. Estelle Vallier
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Minister of Higher Education at the time.
3 3 Since 2008, the CIR has been calculated as follows: it is equal to 30% of research expenditure less than or equal to 100 million euros and equal to 5% of expenditure above 100 million euros.
4 4 Report to the Assemblée’s nationale’s Finance Commission, “L’évolution et les conditions de maîtrise du crédit d’impôt en faveur de la recherche”, Cour des Comptes, July 2013.
5 5 Some companies, such as Intel and Sanofi, have been singled out in the press for laying off employees while benefiting from CIR.
6 6 The risks of fraud linked to the size of the system were pointed out in the report of the Court of Auditors and, in 2014, a Senate Commission of Inquiry voted not to publish a report on the reality of the deviation from CIR.
7 7 Arnaldo Bagnasco, Carlo Trigilia, Sebastiano Brusco and Giacommo Beccatini.
8 8 Expression referring to the regions of Florence, Bologna, Venice and Treviso, between the prosperous and industrial Italy of the North and the poorer Italy of the South.
9 9 On this point, see the article by Étienne Vergès on the links between the socialist governmental majority and research valorization policies, from the Act of July 15, 1982, to the Fioraso Act of 2013: Vergès E. (2014). Normes de la recherche scientifique, Cahiers Droit, Sciences et Technologies [Online]. Available at: http://cdst.revues.org/346 [Accessed September 30, 2016].
10 10 The 2005 Finance Act defines competitiveness clusters as “groups of companies, higher education institutions and public or private research organizations within the same territory, committed to work in synergy in order to implement economic development projects for innovation” (Finance Act No. 2004-1484 of December 30, 2004).
11 11 This metaphor of a recipe to be reproduced by combining the right ingredients is present in the political discourse around clusters, as well as in that of the business leaders and laboratory directors who operate in these spaces.
12 12 To these three basic ingredients could be added, depending on the space, companies providing support functions (legal, IT, etc.), associations, hospitals (in the case of health clusters), administrations or public bodies, etc.
14 14 In their triple helix concept (three helices representing academia, industry and government), Leydesdorff and Etzkowitz consider that the central space where the helices overlap forms hybrid organisms that are intended to make the articulation of the three spheres more effective. This concept will be further detailed in Chapter 1.
15 15 http://www.cnrtl.fr/etymologie/interm%C3%A9diaire.
16 16 The sampling method and data collection are detailed in Chapter 6.
17 17 Age, gender, profession, CSP, seniority, reasons for working on the site, the different sociability places or events and the type of relationships they have within the cluster.
1
From Industrial Districts to Knowledge Valleys: the Legacy of the Cluster
Innovation clusters are often presented as a new concept marking a break with a past, where companies and laboratories were not grouped together geographically and encouraged to interact. However, when we take a closer look at the history of spatial concentrations of industrial and technological activities, we realize that their contemporary character is not limited to the 21st century. On the contrary, the first examples date back as far as the 19th century. Whether we are talking about purely theoretical concepts or existing configurations, two types of cluster ancestors can be identified: the purely industrial concentrations, that can still be found today, and those that attempt, as early as the middle of the 20th century, to bring science and industry together within technological clusters.
1.1. The industrial district: the oldest ancestor of the cluster
Contemporary literature on innovation clusters often mentions that they were inspired by the industrial district, a concept dating back to the 19th century, the most significant examples of which emerged in 20th-century Italy.
1.1.1. The economic approach of industrial atmosphere
It is interesting to trace the history of the cluster back to the British economist Alfred Marshall, one of the fathers of the neoclassical economics. He developed the concept of the industrial district in one of his reference works, Principle of Economics, published in 1890. According to Marshall, there are two potential industrial organizations:
On the one hand, the organization under the sole direction of the technical department integrated within a large enterprise. On the other hand, market and face-to-face (reciprocal) coordination of a disintegrated social division of work among smaller enterprises specialized in large segments of the production process (Benko et al. 1996, p. 120).
He then introduced a new element into the dominant thinking of the time, according to which productivity was linked to the division of labor within the enterprise (Marshall 2010, p. 119), asserting that work could be divided over a geographical area, between different entities. This is the industrial district, which he defines as the concentration of businesses and skilled craftsmen within a geographically limited space. Marshall sees three fundamental aspects to this: specialist employees, complementary industries and a permanent exchange of information and knowledge. These elements create a pool of skilled workers, thus making the district an efficient labor market. He explains the sustainability of the location of businesses in the same area using the principle of externalities and particularly economies of scale that would reduce production costs. Marshall distinguishes between internal economies of scale, derived from the resources of the businesses themselves, and external economies, obtained through the close proximity of similar but specialized businesses at a specific point in the production process. Moreover, since not all firms can afford all machines, the pooling of equipment allows each to increase its efficiency, without having to make heavy investments. Marshall’s original, but insufficiently supported by empirical data, contribution is his concept of “industrial atmosphere”, in which he describes the significance of knowledge transfer between enterprises, as well as transmission between colleagues, neighbors, members of the same family, etc.:
The secrets of industry cease to be secrets; they are, so to speak, in the air, and children learn many of them unconsciously. Work well done is immediately recognized and the merits of inventions and improvements in machinery, processes, and general organization are discussed within the industry straight away. If someone comes up with a new idea, it is immediately taken up by others and combined with suggestions of their own and thus becomes the source of other new ideas (Marshall 1990, p. 160).
This therefore gave pride of place to interindividual and intergenerational relations, fostering an atmosphere conducive to learning and the dissemination of knowledge. Nevertheless, at the end of the 19th century, Marshall’s industrial district was largely confined to a theoretical conceptualization on the eve of the Fordist period, based on the model of the large enterprise. It was not until the 1970s that the concept was revisited by Italian studies of the Third Italy, then taken up again in France.
1.1.2.