Una historia del movimiento negro estadounidense en la era post derechos civiles (1968-1988). Valeria L. Carbone
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(consultado en 19 Nov 2012).
44 Thomas Jefferson, “Notes on the State of Virginia: Query XV (1787)”, en Jan E. Lewis y Peter S. Onuf, editors, Sally Hemings and Thomas Jefferson: History, Memory, and Civic Culture (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999), 264-268.
45 En uno de sus discursos realizados durante su campaña electoral por la presidencia, Lincoln afirmó: “I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people… there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race”; Abraham Lincoln, “4th Joint Debate at Charleston” (18 Sept 1858), en Political Speeches and Debates of Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglass, 1854-1861 (Chicago: Scott Foresman & Co., 1900), 283.
46 “There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races (…) A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together”; Abraham Lincoln, “Speech at Springfield, Illinois” (26 Jun 1857), en Ídem, 47-50.
47 “I have said that the separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation. (…) Such separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by colonization; and no political party, as such, is now doing anything directly for colonization. Party operations, at present, only favor or retard colonization incidentally. The enterprise is a difficult one; but ‘where there is a will there is a way;’ and what colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs from the two elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be brought to believe it is morally right, and, at the same time, favorable to, or, at least, not against, our interest, to transfer the African to his native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great the task may be”; Ibidem, 51.
48 “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do so. (…) There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: ‘No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.’ It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law”, Abraham Lincoln, “Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address” (4 Mar 1861), Political Speeches and Debates of Abraham Lincoln, op. cit., 530-531.
49 “My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union”; “Facsimile of text of Lincoln's letter of August 22, 1862 to Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune”, en Robert Morgan, “The ‘Great Emancipator’ and the Issue of Race: Abraham Lincoln’s Program of Black Resettlement”, The Journal of Historical Review (13), N° 5, Sept.-Oct. 1993, http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v13/v13n5p-4_Morgan.html
50 Theodore Draper, El nacionalismo negro en los Estados Unidos (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1970), 13. Esto dio lugar a importantes movimientos de “Retorno a África”, como el encabezado por la American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color in the United Sates; la Free American Society, la empresa “repatriadora” de Paul Cuffe, las African Institutions de Baltimore, Filadelfia y Nueva York, e incluso el nacionalismo emigracionista de Martin Delany, el de la Asociación Africana de Emigración y la Sociedad Internacional de Emigración. En 1831 se celebró en Filadelfia la primera Convención Nacional Negra que resolvió apoyar los intentos de emigración a Haití o Canadá, pero condenó la emigración a Liberia como perjudicial para el negro estadounidense. En 1833, la Tercera Convención Nacional Negra se pronunció en contra de la emigración, salvo como recurso desesperado para escapar de la esclavitud. Esto respondió a que, hasta para los más fervientes emigracionistas, la emigración no se presentaba como una solución práctica para la totalidad de la población negra residente en territorio estadounidense.
51 Manning Marable, “Race and Revolution in Cuba: African American Perspectives”, en Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture, and Society, Center for Contemporary Black History (Columbia University: Spring 1998), 7.
52 Karen E. Fields y Barbara J. Fields, Racecraft: The Souls of Inequality in American Life (New York: Verso, 2014), 17.
53 Fue durante la guerra de independencia cuando la concepción predominante de “libertad” se centró en el derecho de una comunidad a ejercer su propia autodeterminación política. En el siglo XIX, la democracia política (definida hasta después de la guerra civil como el sufragio universal para los hombres de raza blanca) adquirió categoría de referencia central para entender el significado de la libertad, y fue a través del lenguaje de la libertad que los grupos excluidos reclamaron el derecho al voto. Esta premisa nos permitirá comprender los objetivos y demandas primarios de los afro-estadounidenses durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Eric Foner, La historia de la libertad en Estados Unidos (Barcelona: Península, 2009), 36.
54 Barbara J. Fields, “Of Rogues and Geldings”, en Karen E. Fields y Barbara J. Fields, Racecraft, 95-109.
55 Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth Century America (London: Verso, 1990), 1-6.
56 Jonathan Marks, en “What it means to be 98% Chimpanzee”, 68, en Dorothy Roberts, Fatal Invention, op. cit.,
57 Robert H. Zieger, For Jobs and Freedom: Race and Labor in America since 1865 (USA: The University Press of Kentucky, 2007), 2.
58 Michael Omi, “The