Gender and Sexuality. Stevi Jackson
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and check links to other information. The global average of women political representatives is 17 per cent, with the Nordic countries at around 40 per cent and Europe overall and North America around the average.
2 2. See Connell’s The Men and the Boys (2000). As one of the world’s leading sociologists of masculinity, Connell’s work is an excellent introduction and guide to the research on masculinities: from concerns around work, the impact of feminism, male violence, and the consequential remaking and remarking of identities. Her concept of ‘hegemonic masculinity’ has proven to be a key analytic for the exploration of the complexities of masculine experience and dominant symbolic expectations of men.
3 3. The text of the speech can be found at www.president.harvard.edu/speeches/summers_2005/nber.php, whilst some of the responses from the faculty are at www.boston.com/news/education/higher/articles/2005/01/19/harvard_womens_group_rips_summers. If these sites are unavailable, a search through www.cnn.com or www.bbc.co.uk/news should bring up details. In 2007, Harvard faculty elected a woman to replace Summers – historian Drew Gilpin Faust is the first woman President at the oldest, richest and most famous university in the USA.
4 4. Banks’ Faces of Feminism (1990) is an excellent historical account of first wave feminisms, its complexities and interrelationships, alliances and connections to second wave feminism.
5 5. See Introduction note 3 on Engels here.
6 6. For the historical accounts from this period of first wave feminism, see Weeks (1989), Banks (1990), McBride- Stetson (2004), and the essays on prostitution in section two of Nye (1999). Walkowitz’s Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class and the State (1980) is also an excellent study. Eventually in the USA, the essentialist moralists, or social purity reformers, joined with these first wave feminist reformers to control regulation in every state in the USA, and forcing a Congressional Federal law in 1910 which prohibited the ‘traffic’ of women across state lines for prostitution and any other ‘immoral’ act. This remains on the statute books but has been amended to be gender- neutral, protect minors and remove any reference to immoral acts, focusing instead on any act which is illegal in the destination state. Only Nevada now has legalized prostitution (McBride- Stetson, 2004: 312–13).
7 7. We will discuss sexology in greater detail in Part III on culture, but some major studies were Karl Heinrich Ulrichs’ work, published from 1864 to 1879, in which he put forward the first classifications of sexual types, arguing for a natural basis to these sexualities and thus regarded as a liberationist. Richard von Krafft- Ebing, an Austrian psychiatrist, published Psychopathia Sexualis in 1886, which is often credited with beginning the specific scientific study of sexuality, although, as the title indicates, his collection of case histories focused on non- reproductive, ‘deviant’ acts and their source in mental disorders. For an excellent review, see Ch. 1 in Bristow’s Sexuality (1997) and Ch. 8 in Weeks’ Sex, Politics and Society (1989).
8 8. For example, for a range of essays detailing second wave feminism in Europe and the USA, check Dahlerup (ed.) The New Women’s Movement: Feminism and Political Power in Europe and the USA (1990). Banks (1990) is excellent on first wave feminism and draws some links to the second wave, although she tends to underplay the development of radical feminism in the UK compared to the USA. The history of the American National Organization for Women can be found at www.now.org/history. The second wave of feminist politics is often associated with the term Women’s Liberation, or the Women’s Movement, but you should be aware that this description does not denote a unified or coherent organization or set of politics. See also Jackson and Scott (eds) Feminism and Sexuality for both their introductory essay mapping second wave feminism (1996a) and key classic readings throughout the book (1996b).
9 9. The Mattachine Society, for gay men, was formed in 1954, with the Daughters of Bilitis society, for lesbians, formed in 1955, both arguing for the public acceptance of homosexuality on a psychologically essentialist basis. The Stonewall riots, following a police raid of 28 June 1969 on the Stonewall Inn, a gay bar in New York’s Greenwich Village, are credited with bringing together a range of people who became activists for a more radical acceptance of homosexuality, spawning similar groups across the USA, Canada and Britain, which all came to identify as gay liberation movements. In England, homosexual acts between men were decriminalized in 1967 for those over 21, and subsequent gay rights groups emerged, such as the Campaign for Homosexual Equality in 1971 and the Gay Liberation Front, beginning in London in 1970.
Part II Inequalities and Social Structure
Part II is concerned with the ways in which gender and sexuality are socially patterned and ordered.We will therefore focus on social structural perspectives, which emphasize the ‘systems’ and institutions that generate social divisions and inequalities – including gender and sexual inequalities. In Chapter 3 we will consider early sociological accounts of gender and sexual inequality and how they laid the foundations for later, more radical approaches. We will move on, in Chapter 4, to second wave feminist theories of patriarchy and capitalism and explore how sexuality, once largely neglected by sociologists, came to be seen as a further source of inequality, closely related to gender through the institutionalization of heterosexuality. In Chapter 5 we will discuss more recent developments, particularly the increasing appreciation of the ways in which gender and sexuality intersect with other social divisions and inequalities such as class and race. Here we will also address the impact of social change in our late modern, globalized social world.
Introduction: Local and Global Structuring of Gender and Sexual Inequalities
A British man, a sex tourist, travels to a resort in Thailand. He arranges his trip through a western company, flies on a western airline and stays in a hotel belonging to a large international chain. While in Thailand he can have his pick of young Thai women sex workers and can hire one for the night for less than the cost of a brief encounter with a British street prostitute. It is estimated that at least 60 per cent of what he spends goes to international conglomerates, based in rich nations, and that the many women with whom he has sex during his stay share about 10 per cent of his expenditure among them (see O’Connell Davidson, 1995).
Julia O’Connell Davidson’s study of British sex tourists in Thailand was conducted in the 1990s, but the situation she describes persists to this day. The phenomenon of sex tourism is indicative of patterned or structural inequalities surrounding gender and sexuality and the ways in which these are interwoven with other inequalities: those between rich and poor countries and those of class and race. It is primarily men who purchase sex (whether from women or men), and the vast majority of the world’s sex workers are women and girls. This reflects a long history of male dominance in which men have historically enjoyed sexual rights to women. That a British man travels to a distant land to buy sex, however, is a consequence of the relations between rich and poor nations and of the existence of a global marketplace. These global relations enable a man from a wealthy western country to take advantage of opportunities for travel and recreation in a country where the cost of living – and