The Sociology of Slavery. Orlando Patterson
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45 45. Michael Craton, 1978, Searching for the Invisible Man: Slaves and Plantation Life in Jamaica, Harvard University Press.
46 46. Orlando Patterson, 1982, ‘Recent Studies on Caribbean Slavery and The Atlantic Slave Trade’, Latin American Research Review, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 251–75.
47 47. Sidney Mintz, 1984, ‘More on the Peculiar Institution’, New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids,Vol. 58, No. 3/4, pp. 185–99.
48 48. Michael Craton, 1979, ‘Proto-Peasant Revolts? The Late Slave Rebellions in the British West Indies, 1816–1832’, Past and Present, No. 85, pp. 99–125.
49 49. See James C. Scott, 1990, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts,Yale University Press, p. 24.
50 50. Michael Craton, 1974, ‘Searching for the Invisible Man: Some of the Problems of Writing on Slave Society in the British West Indies’, Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques,Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 50.
51 51. On Elkins, as indicated earlier, I am sympathetic to his comparison of slavery with the Nazi concentration camp. Unlike many critics of Elkins, I also found similarities to the Sambo stereotype in Jamaica, as I did later in other slave societies such as ancient Rome in the slaveholder class’s mocking stereotype of Greek slaves as worthless, unmanly and garrulous, or ‘Graeculus’, well documented in Roman comedy. Where we differ sharply is my interpretation that ‘Quashee’ and ‘Sambo’ were deliberately using the stereotype as a subaltern weapon against the slaveholder, as were the Graeculus of ancient Rome. See Orlando Patterson, 1982, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study, Harvard University Press, pp. 91, 96–7, 338.
52 52. Higman, 1976, op. cit.; see also his 1986 ‘Jamaican Coffee Plantations 1780–1860: A Cartographic Analysis’, Caribbean Geography,Vol. 2, pp. 73–91; and his 1989 ‘The Internal Economy of Jamaican Pens, 1760–1890’, Social and Economic Studies,Vol. 38, No. 1, pp. 61–86.
53 53. Verene A. Shepherd, 2009, Livestock, Sugar and Slavery: Contested Terrain in Colonial Jamaica, Ian Randle.
54 54. Kathleen E. A. Monteith, 2002, ‘The Labour Regimen on JamaicanCoffee Plantations During Slavery’, in Kathleen E. A. Monteith and Glen Richards, eds, Jamaica in Slavery and Freedom: History, Heritage and Culture, University of the West Indies Press, pp. 259–73.
55 55. Higman, 1976, op. cit., pp. 16–17.
56 56. Trevor Burnard, 2020, Jamaica in the Age of Revolution, University of Pennsylvania Press, p. 13.
57 57. Burnard, 2020, op. cit., p. 14.
58 58. On which see Richard Sheridan, 1965, ‘The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth Century’, Economic History Review,Vol. 18, pp. 292–311; Richard Sheridan, 1985, Doctors and Slaves: A Medical and Demographic History of Slavery in the British West Indies, 1680–1834, Cambridge University Press, Chapters 5–8.
59 59. Elsa Goveia, 1965, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century,Yale University Press.
60 60. Ibid., pp. vii, viii.
61 61. Elsa Goveia, ‘Slave Society’ Review of The Sociology of Slavery’, The Times Literary Supplement, No. 3411, 13th July 1967, p. 622. (The Times Literary Supplement Historical Archive, 1002–2019). Signed reviews were introduced by the TLS only in 1974 and the authors of earlier reviews made available much later, when I became aware of the fact the review was by Goveia. It is unlikely that Goveia would have referred to her own work in a signed review.
62 62. Goveia, op. cit., p. 237.
63 63. Goveia, op. cit., p. 238.
64 64. B. W. Higman, 2005, Plantation Jamaica: 1750–1850: Capital and Control in a Colonial Economy, University of the West Indies Press. See also his 1988 work, Jamaica Surveyed. Jamaica Maps and Plans of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, University of the West Indies Press.
65 65. See in particular his comparative study, with John Garrigus, of Saint-Domingue and Jamaica, which draws out distinctive patterns in both systems, while demonstrating their enormous significance for the economies of France and Britain and, in more general terms, the rise of European capitalism in the 18th century: The Plantation Machine: Atlantic Capitalism in French Saint-Domingue and British Jamaica, University of Pennsylvania Press (2016).
66 66. Edward Brathwaite, 1971, The Development of Creole Society in Jamaica, 1770–1820, Clarendon Press.
67 67. Richard Sheridan, 1974, Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies, Johns Hopkins University Press.
68 68. Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh, 1972, No Peace Beyond the Line: The English in the Caribbean, 1624–1690, Oxford University Press.
69 69. Jack P. Greene, 2016, Settler Jamaica in the 1750s: A Social Portrait, University of Virginia Press.
70 70. Richard Dunn, 1972, Sugar and Slaves:The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713, University of North Carolina Press.
71 71. Goveia, op. cit., p. 338.
72 72. Brathwaite, op. cit., pp. 303–5.
73 73. Trevor Burnard, 2004, Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and his Slaves in the Anglo-American World, University of North Carolina Press.
74 74. Douglas Hall, In Miserable Slavery: Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, 1750–86, 1989, Macmillan Press, p. xix.
75 75. Aaron Kamugisha, 2019, Beyond Coloniality: Citizenship and Freedom in the Caribbean Intellectual Tradition, Indiana University Press.
76 76. Angela Bartens, 2001, ‘The Rocky Road to Education in Creole’, Estudios de Sociolinguistica,Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 28.
77 77. The definitive account of that transformative conference is given by Dell Hymes, one of the founders of sociolinguistics and creole studies, Items, Vol. 22, No. 2, 1968. Find it here: https://items.ssrc.org/from-our-archives/pidginization-and-creolization-of-languages-their-social-contexts/On creolization in 17th-century Jamaica, see David Buisseret, ‘The Process of Creolization in Seventeenth-Century Jamaica’, in David Buisseret and Steven Reinhardt, eds, 2000. Texas A&M University Press, pp. 19–34. Buisseret’s ‘Introduction’ to the volume offers one of the clearest and most comprehensive models of the creolization process I know of.More recently, the theoretical complexities and contradictions of the concept, and the tensions between its usage by linguists, historians and anthropologists, as well as its global applications, have been examined in Charles Stewart, ed., 2016, Creolization: History, Ethnography, Theory, Routledge.
78 78. On which, see Michael Zeuske, 2011, ‘Sidney Mintz: Work, Creolization, Atlanticization’, Review,Vol.34, No. 4, pp. 423–8.
79 79. Angela Bartens, 1996, Der kreolische Raum: Geschichte und Gegenwart, Annales Academiae Scientiarum Finnicae. See the useful review and summary by Stephanie Hackert, 1999, Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 171–6.
80 80. Richard D. E. Burton, 1977, Afro-Creole: Power, Opposition, and Play in the Caribbean, Cornell University Press.
81 81. Mary Turner, 1998, Slaves and Missionaries:The Disintegration of Jamaican Slave Society, 1787–1834, University Press of the West Indies.
82 82. Dunn, 1972, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, p. 276.
83 83. Greene, 2014, op. cit.
84 84. Vincent Brown, 2008, The Reaper’s Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery, Harvard University Press.
85 85. Maria Nugent, Lady Nugent’s Journal of her Residence in Jamaica from 1801 to 1805, Philip Wright, ed., 1966, Institute of Jamaica: pp. 16, 18, 45. Brown cites the second of these entries without comment.
86 86. Matthew Lewis, 1999, Journal of a West Indian Proprietor, edited by Judith Terry. Lewis lightheartedly refers once to his Jamaican ancestors who have ‘always had a taste for being well lodged after