The History of Rome: Rise and Fall of the Empire. John Bagnell Bury
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Cilicia. But Sentius was victorious in an engagement, and besieged Piso in the Cilician fortress of Celenderis. The ex-governor was finally forced to submit and take ship for Rome, where an unpleasant reception awaited him.
The feelings of sympathy awakened by the death of Germanicus were intense, both in the provinces and at Rome. Triumphal arches were erected in his honor, and his statues were set up in cities. Inscriptions recorded that he had “died for the Republic”. Correspondingly bitter was the rage felt against Piso and Plancina, who were generally believed to have been guilty. Nor were there wanting hints and murmurs that Tiberius himself and Livia wore privy to the supposed crime of Piso and Plancina. It was thought that Tiberius regarded his nephew with jealousy and hatred, and rejoiced at his death; and it was apparently this idea that encouraged Piso to act as he had done. The reserve of Tiberius in regard to the funeral ceremonies of Germanicus, at which he and Livia were not present, was interpreted in the same way, and the Emperor even went so far as to show displeasure at the excess of the public lamentations. He issued a characteristic edict, enjoining on the people to observe some moderation in their sorrow. “Princes are mortal, the republic is eternal. Resume your business; resume your pleasures”—he added, for the Megalesian games approached. By this contempt for popular sentiment Tiberius, it has been remarked, was “sowing the seeds of a long and deep misunderstanding between himself and his people”. Men contrasted the behavior of Augustus on the death of Drusus.
But the Emperor had no intention of protecting Piso, who had been guilty of the serious offence of trying to recover a province from which he had been dismissed by a superior in authority. The friends of Germanicus vied in undertaking the prosecution, but it was hard to find advocates to plead the cause of Piso. His friends wished the accused to come before the tribunal of the Emperor, but Tiberius did not like to undertake the decision of such a delicate case, and he referred the judgment of it to the senate. He opened the proceedings in the senate-house in a very impartial speech. The charges of political misconduct were clearly proven, but the charge of having made attempts on the life of Germanicus by magic and poison broke down. The senators, however, who in general sympathized with Germanicus, felt convinced that the prince’s death had been due to foul play, while the political offences of the culprit weighed with Tiberius. At the close of the second day of the trial, Piso saw in the cold look of the Emperor that his doom was fixed. His conclusion was confirmed by the behavior of his wife Plancina, who had pleaded for him with the Empress Livia, but, as his chances of escape seemed to grow less, tried to sever her own cause from his. He anticipated the sentence by piercing his throat with his sword. The senate expunged his name from the Fasti, and banished his eldest son for ten years; but Tiberius interfered to mitigate the sentence of the senate, and conceded Piso’s property to his son. The influence of Livia shielded Plancina from prosecution.
Thus ended a domestic tragedy. It must be observed that even if it were certain that Germanicus was the victim of foul play, there is not the smallest reason to suspect that the Emperor was in any way concerned, as malicious rumors hinted. But there is no proof and there can be no certainty that the death of Germanicus was brought about by unfair practices of Piso or his wife. Another malicious report, which gained belief, was that Piso had not died by his own hand, but had been assassinated by the orders of the Emperor.
The qualities of Germanicus have been painted in such bright colors by the great Roman historian who has recorded his career, that we cannot help feeling deeply prepossessed in his favor. He appears as one of the ideal heroes who die young. But it is not clear that he would have become a great man, if he had lived. His exploits have been exaggerated by the enthusiasm of his admirers. Tacitus, with more regard to art than truth, has selected him as the brilliant hero to set beside the dark figure of Tiberius. Germanicus is generous and virtuous; Tiberius suspicious and stained with crime. The uncle is the ideal tyrant, the nephew is the magnanimous prince. This picture of Tacitus in some measure reflects the general feeling which seems to have prevailed on the death of the popular Germanicus. Tiberius was misunderstood and maligned; the virtues of the son of Drusus were exaggerated.
In the year 16 A.D. a plot was detected, which, though not of a formidable nature, attracted considerable attention. It shows that there was dissatisfaction in patrician circles, and illustrates the character of Tiberius. A young man named Libo Drusus, of the Scribonian family, was accused of revolutionary projects. Scribonia, the second wife of Augustus, was his great-aunt; Livia was his aunt; and he was the grandson of Sextus Pompeius through his mother. These connections with the imperial house seem to have turned his brain and suggested perilous ideas, which were encouraged by a senator named Firmius Catus, who was his intimate friend. Catus induced him to consult Chaldean astrologers, and dabble in magic rites, practices which were then very dangerous, as they were regarded as a presumption of treasonable designs. He also treacherously led Drusus into extravagance and debt. Having collected sufficient proofs of guilt, Catus sent a messenger to the Emperor, craving an audience and mentioning the name of the accused. Tiberius refused the request, saying that any further communications might be conveyed to him in the same way. Meanwhile he distinguished his cousin Libo by conferring the praetorship on him, and often inviting him to table, showing no unfriendliness either in word or look; but he kept himself carefully informed of the daily conduct of the suspected man. At length a certain Junius, whom Libo had tampered with for the purpose of invoking the dead by incantations, gave information to a noted informer, Fulcinius Trio, who immediately went to the consuls, and demanded an investigation before the senate. Libo meanwhile knowing his peril, arrayed himself in mourning, and accompanied by some ladies of high rank, went round the houses of his relatives, entreating their intervention. But all refused on various pretexts. When the senate met, Tiberius read out the indictment and the accusers’ names with such calmness as to seem neither to soften nor to aggravate the charges. Some of them were of a ridiculous nature; for example he was accused of having considered whether he would ever have wealth enough to cover the Appian Road as far as Brundusium with money. But there was one paper in which the names of Caesars and senators occurred with mysterious, and therefore suspicious, signs annexed. Libo denied the handwriting, and the slaves who professed to recognize it were examined by torture. As an old decree of the senate forbade the evidence of slaves to be taken in cases affecting their master’s life, Tiberius evaded the law by ordering the slaves to be sold singly to the actor publicus, or agent of the aerarium, so that Libo might be tried on their testimony. The accused begged for an adjournment till the following day. On going home, he committed suicide, seeing that his case was hopeless. Tiberius said that he would have interceded for him, guilty though he was, if he had not destroyed himself. Libo’s property was divided among the accusers; and some of the senators proposed decrees reflecting on his memory—for example, that no Scribonian should bear the name of Drusus—in order to please Tiberius. Days of public thanksgiving were appointed, and it was decreed that the day on which Libo killed himself should be observed as a festival. Such sycophancy on the part of the senate became in later times a matter of course.
SECT. IV. — REBELLIONS IN THE PROVINCES AND DEPENDENCIES
We must glance at the troublesome, though unimportant, war which was waged at this time on the southern borders of the Empire, and at the career of Tacfarinas, who played in Africa the same part which the more famous Arminius played in the north. This Numidian had served in the Roman army, and had thus gained a knowledge of Roman discipline and military science. He then deserted, placed himself at the head of a band of robbers, and was finally elected as their leader by the Musulamii, who dwelt on the southern side of Mount Aurasius. The insurrection was not confined to these peoples of Numidia; it spread westward into Mauretania and eastward to the Garamantes. The discipline and drill which Tacfarinas enforced rendered the rising formidable; for his organized bands were able to give battle and attempt sieges. The commanders, whom the senate elected by lot, were incompetent to deal with the insurgents, and the resulting war was protracted for seven years (17-24 A.D.). The single legion which protected Africa was reinforced by a second from Pannonia, and, by the Emperor’s intervention, an able proconsul, Q. Junius Blaesus, was at length appointed. Tacfarinas had demanded from Tiberius a grant of territory for himself and his rebel army. Tiberius haughtily refused and instructed Blaesus to hold out to the other chiefs, who supported Tacfarinas, the prospect of a free pardon if they laid down their arms. Many surrendered, and then Blassus attempted to meet Tacfarinas