Companion to Feminist Studies. Группа авторов

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NE: University of Nebraska Press.

      84 Simons, M.A. (1999). Beauvoir and the Second Sex: Feminism, Race, and the Origins of Existentialism. Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

      85 Solanas, V. (1967). SCUM Manifesto. New York: Olympia Press.

      86 Spector, J. (2006). Prostitution and Pornography: Philosophical Debate about the Sex Industry. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

      87 Stark, C. and Hodgson, C. (2003). Sister oppressions: a comparison of wife battering and prostitution. In: Prostitution, Trafficking, and Traumatic Stress (ed. M. Farley), 17–32. New York: Routledge.

      88 Steinmetz, Katy. 2014. “The Transgender Tipping Point”. Time. June 9: 38–46.

      89 Sullivan, B. (1997). The Politics of Sex: Prostitution and Pornography in Australia Since 1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

      90 Tandon, N. (2008). Feminism: A Paradigm Shift. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers.

      91 Thompson, D. (2001). Radical Feminism Today. London: SAGE Publications.

      92 Walby, S. (1986). Patriarchy at Work: Patriarchal and Capitalist Relations in Employment. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.

      93 Weisser, S.O. and Fleischner, J. (1994). Introduction. In: Feminist Nightmares: Women at Odds: Feminism and the Problems of Sisterhood (eds. S.O. Weisser and J. Fleischner), 1–20. New York: New York University Press.

      94 Weitzer, R. (2009). Sex for Sale: Prostitution, Pornography, and the Sex Industry. New York: Routledge.

      95  Whelehan, I. (1995). Modern Feminist Thought: From the Second Wave to Post‐Feminism. New York: New York University Press.

      96 Whisnant, R. (2016). Our blood: Andrea Dworkin on race, privilege, and women's common condition. Women's Studies International Forum 56: 68–76.

      97 Whisnant, R. and Stark, C. (2004). Not for Sale: Feminists Resisting Prostitution and Pornography. North Melbourne: Spinifex.

      98 Willis, E. (1984). Radical feminism and feminist radicalism. Social Text 9 (10): 91–118.

      99 Žarkov, D. (2002). Feminism and the disintegration of Yugoslavia: on the politics of gender and ethnicity. Social Development Issues 23 (3): 59–68.

      1 1 Valerie Bryson contends that the first radical feminist groups were formed in the USA in 1967 (Valerie Bryson, 2003).

      2 2 Barbara Crow notes that radical feminism first appeared in print in Shulamith Firestone's Notes from the Second Year published in 1970 (Crow 2000, p. 7 n.3).

      3 3 I use prostitution in this chapter in deference to the preferred work of radical feminists; my own preferred phrase is sex work (Rosewarne 2017b).

      4 4 Valerie Bryson identifies that radical feminists also broke away from movements like Marxism after being disgruntled that they had been relegated to “servicing the political, domestic and sexual needs of male activists” (Bryson 2003, p. 164). Other theorists also discuss the exclusion of women from other socialist and civil rights movements (Evans 1980; Sargent 1981).

      5 5 An exception, for example, is apparent in Valerie Solanas's SCUM Manifesto, where part of the mission includes: “SCUM will kill all men who are not in the Men's Auxiliary of SCUM. Men in the Men's Auxiliary are those men who are working diligently to eliminate themselves, men who, regardless of their motives, do good, men who are playing ball with SCUM” (Solanas 1967, p. 72).

      6 6 Barbara Ryan notes that “Identity politics refers to discourses and social activism focused on racial, religious, sexual, ethnic, gender, or national identity.” Ryan notes that identity politics is one factor responsible for creating divisions among women that have led to the formation of separate groups and affiliations, in turn negatively impacting on feminist activism (Ryan 2001, p. 322).

      Bronwyn Winter

      Materialist feminism emerged as a concept early in the so‐called “second‐wave” period in the West. It examined gender as a materially and historically constructed relationship of domination and women as a social group constituted through that relationship. Although it came from a Marxian basis of historical materialism, materialist feminism departed from Marxism in significant ways. At the same time, materialist feminists chose the term “materialist” in preference to “Marxist” because of the failure of Marxist analysis to account for and address the sexual division of labor, and indeed the division of society as a whole into two gendered groups that Simone de Beauvoir (1949), and Christine Delphy after her, had likened to “castes.” (Delphy, other French materialist feminists, as well as Anglo‐world radical feminists, subsequently used the term “class.”)

      Feminists in many contexts outside the Western world also both drew inspiration from Marxism and critiqued it during roughly the same period, but in quite different contexts: notably those of decolonization and postcoloniality and/or emergence from dictatorships (this last also being the case in the West, for example, in Portugal, Spain, and Greece). However, it was in the Anglophone and Francophone West that the term “materialist feminism” was coined and the theories it denoted were developed. This chapter, then, will focus on those specific Western developments – not because feminist activism and theories outside the West (and indeed outside the Anglo world) are not important, but because their political and theoretical foundations are grounded in specific geohistorical contexts and as such present original theoretical elements and nomenclature not found within Western materialist feminisms. These non‐Western feminist theorizations thus merit their own detailed treatments, with attention to the vast diversity of historical, geopolitical, and cultural specificities of context that impacted on how the theories developed.

      In a 1997 anthology, titled Materialist Feminism: A Reader in Class, Difference and Women's Lives, Hennessy and Ingraham grouped a number of different, even disparate, feminist texts under the umbrella “materialist feminism,” their commonality being their attachment to historical materialism as a method of analysis, or at least their explicit opposition to capitalism (Hennessy and Ingraham 1997a). The texts had first been published in France, the UK or North America, between 1969 and 1995. In compiling the anthology, Hennessy and Ingraham gave themselves the brief of responding to the challenges posed by women of color and lesbians (in particular) in raising issues of difference among women. At the same time, they wished to address the postmodern fragmentation of feminism, in particular the


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