Introduction to Abnormal Child and Adolescent Psychology. Robert Weis
Читать онлайн книгу.
as a secure base from which to regulate their emotions, these infants attempt to rely on themselves to cope with the stress of separation. Attachment theorists reason that parents who consistently dismiss their children’s bids for attention foster insecure–avoidant attachment relationships with their infants.
Other infants develop insecure–ambivalent attachment relationships with their parents. When separated, these infants usually show considerable distress. However, when reunited with their parents, these infants alternate between seeking and resisting their caregivers’ support. For example, an infant might initially motion to be picked up by her mother and then immediately push away. The behavior of these infants conveys the notion that they desperately want comfort from their parents but that they do not expect their parents to adequately provide for their needs. Attachment theorists reason that parents who alternate between providing care and ignoring their children foster this insecure–ambivalent pattern of attachment.
Ainsworth noticed that some infants could not be classified into any of the three original attachment patterns. In the strange situation, these infants tended to show repetitive, stereotyped behaviors when separated from their caregivers, such as jerky movements of their arms, neck, or back. When reunited with their caregivers, these infants tended to freeze, stare off into space, or act fearfully. Mary Main, a student of Ainsworth, classified these children as having disorganized/disoriented attachment because their behavior did not seem organized like those of other infants (Main & Solomon, 1986). Subsequent research showed that disorganized/disoriented attachment is associated with histories of neglect. Furthermore, many caregivers who developed disorganized/disoriented attachment relationships with their infants experienced a major loss or trauma shortly before or after their child’s birth.
The Minnesota Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children examined relationships between mother–child attachment in infancy and children’s developmental outcomes. Overall, its results showed that the development of secure attachment in infancy and early childhood is associated with later social–emotional competence. For example, infants who formed secure attachment relationships tended to be more popular, resilient, resourceful, and cooperative in preschool. By age 6, they were more compliant, responsive, self-reliant, and empathic than children with insecure attachment histories.
In contrast, infants who developed insecure–avoidant attachment relationships were more likely to display behavior problems such as stealing, lying, or cheating. Others were at risk for mood problems, such as irritability, anger, and depression. They also exhibited more negative reactions from peers.
Infants who developed insecure–ambivalent attachments tended to show excessive dependency on caregivers at home and teachers in preschool. During the school-age years, they often acted frustrated, passive, or helpless. They required reassurance, at the expense of taking risks and engaging in other activities.
Finally, infants who showed disorganized/disoriented attachment were at greatest risk for behavior problems in childhood. Specifically, many of these children showed oppositional, defiant, or spiteful behaviors toward their caregivers. These children were also most likely to develop aggressive behavior and conduct problems. In adolescence, these children were at risk for dissociative symptoms, such as unexpected lapses in awareness or memory.
Although early parent–child attachment seems to place children on developmental pathways toward either competence or adversity, it does not determine children’s destiny. Many children change their patterns of attachment from infancy to adolescence because of experiences with other caregivers. Supportive relatives, teachers, coaches, and friends can provide corrective emotional experiences to children who were initially insecure, causing them to modify their working models for relationships. Indeed, researchers have identified a subset of infants who changed their attachment patterns from insecure (in infancy) to secure (in childhood) largely because of sensitive and responsive care from adults in their lives. These children tend to show improvements in family and peer functioning by adolescence (van IJzendoorn & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2014). Indeed, psychotherapy can be seen as a way to alter an individual’s working model for relationships from one based on rejection or inconsistency to one based on sensitivity and trust.
Parenting Behavior
Although parenting practices differ considerably across families and cultures, psychologists have identified at least two dimensions of parenting that are important to development (Kerig, 2016). The first dimension, parental responsiveness, refers to the degree to which parents display warmth and acceptance toward their children, orient their behavior to meet their children’s needs in a sensitive and responsive fashion, and engage their children through shared activities and positive emotions. The second dimension, parental demandingness, refers to the degree to which parents have age-appropriate expectations for their children’s behavior, clearly establish and consistently enforce rules governing their children’s actions, and supervise their children’s activities (Bornstein, 2016).
Diana Baumrind (1991) classified caregivers into four parenting types, based on the degree to which they endorse responsive and demanding parenting behaviors. Authoritative parents are both responsive and demanding toward their children. These parents set high, but age-appropriate, expectations for their children’s behavior and help their children meet these expectations by providing them with nurturance and support. They are assertive in their interactions with their children but not intrusive. They use discipline to support their children and to teach them how to regulate their own behavior; they do not use discipline punitively. They value responsibility but also recognize children’s needs for sensitive and responsive care.
Authoritarian parents show high levels of demandingness but low levels of responsiveness. These parents value obedience and achievement in their children. They set high standards for their children and firm limits on their children’s behaviors. They establish clear rules and expect them to be obeyed. These parents are highly involved in their children’s lives, providing them with organized, structured, and supervised educational, extracurricular, and social experiences. They strive to teach self-reliance and responsibility to their children, but they may give their children less support and encouragement to live up to these responsibilities.
Indulgent parents show high levels of responsiveness but low levels of demandingness. These parents are described as lenient, nondirective, and permissive. They value autonomy and exploration in their children. They place few limits on their children’s behaviors and are reticent to discipline.
Uninvolved parents show low levels of both responsiveness and demandingness. These parents display infrequent or inconsistent interactions toward their children, often because they are distracted by other psychosocial stressors (e.g., working multiple jobs, caring for an elderly relative).
Overall, children of authoritative parents display the best developmental outcomes. On average, these children show well-developed social skills, emotional competence, and capacity for self-regulation and self-direction. Children of authoritarian parents tend to perform well academically but are at risk for low self-esteem and peer problems, especially in late childhood and early adolescence. Children of indulgent parents often display high levels of self-esteem and well-developed social skills, but they are susceptible to behavior problems during childhood and substance use problems during adolescence. Children of uninvolved parents typically display the poorest outcomes. These children are at particular risk for low academic achievement, behavior problems, and emotional difficulties across development (Baumrind, 1991; Weiss & Schwarz, 1996).
Review
Temperament refers to the way infants and young children organize their behavior in response to novel environmental stimuli. The goodness-of-fit between the children’s temperament and their caregiving environment is important to development.
Attachment refers to the emotional bond between caregiver and child that serves to promote safety. Attachment is innate; however, the quality of attachment depends on the sensitivity and responsiveness of the caregiver toward the child.
Caregivers can be classified into one of four parenting types based