Complete Works. Hamilton Alexander
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he played on the table with a fork and knife like a drumstick."
On May 5, 1789, at the request of General Washington, Hamilton, who was then Secretary of the Treasury, prepared a code of etiquette for the use of the President. This he prefaced: "The public good requires, as a primary object, that the dignity of the office should be supported. Whatever is essential to this ought to be pursued though at the risk of partial or momentary dissatisfaction. But care will be necessary to avoid extensive disgust or discontent. Men's minds are prepared for a pretty high tone in the demeanor of the executive, but I doubt whether for so high a tone as in the abstract might be desirable. The notions of equality are yet, in my opinion, too general and too strong to admit of such a distance being placed between the President and other branches of the government as might even be consistent with a due proportion. The following plan will, I think, steer clear of extremes, and involve no very material inconveniences."
He then suggested that there should be a "levee day once a week for receiving visits," and that the President should remain half an hour. During this time he "may converse cursorily on indifferent subjects." A mode of introduction through particular officers is insisted upon, and no visits are to be returned. Upon the anniversary of important events of the Revolution formal entertainments are to be given, but these are not to exceed in number "twice or four times a year." If the former number, the Fourth of July and the Inauguration Day are to be those selected.
If an entertainment is to be given four times, the day of the treaty alliance with France, and that of the definitive treaty with Britain are to be added to the other. He then went on to recommend the "method practiced in some European Courts," which involves the entertainment of foreign ministers and other distinguished strangers. Suggestions as to the issuance of invitations, the character of the dinnerparties, and the question of rank are fully gone into, and the matter of precedence is discussed, so far as the members of the Senate and the House of Representatives are concerned, and, with few changes, these conventions have been practically observed up to the beginning of the past decade.
Washington appeared to have been very grateful to Hamilton for all this, and in a reply sent the same day he said:
DEAR SIR: I beg you to accept my unfeigned thanks for your friendly communications of this date, and that you will permit me to entreat a continuation of them as occasions may arise.
The manner chosen for doing it is most agreeable to me. It is my wish to act right; if I err, the head and not the heart shall, with justice, be chargeable.
With sentiments of sincere esteem and regard,
I am, dear Sir
Your obedt. Serv't
GEO. WASHINGTON.
The domineering conduct of the French finally became unendurable. This was a natural result of a variety of causes -- not the least of and important of which was the supineness and venal trickery of Edmund Randolph who, when Secretary of State in 1794, weakly gave way to the impudent demands of Fauchet and Adet as far as he could, despite the opposition of Hamilton and the outraged members of the Cabinet.
Randolph's undoing occurred in a dramatic manner, and, despite his attempts at vindication he failed completely, and left the public service a defaulter. During his connivance with Fauchet, he wrote a letter to the latter, in which he alleged that for a money consideration certain interests could be turned to the French; that owing to Hamilton's activity in suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion he was hated by every one, and, in fact, it was but a plot upon his part and that of the Federalists to exploit himself and declare for a monarchy, and that France could easily count upon popular support. These and other absurd statements were embodied in the foolish letter. Unfortunately, when on its way to Fauchet, the vessel which carried it was captured by an English vessel, and the original letter was sent to Mr.
Hammond, the Minister from Great Britain, who delivered it to Washington. The situation that followed can well be conceived.
The depredations of the French privateers along our coasts were apparently unceasing, and there was scarcely a harbor into which some prize was not brought every few days by the impudent and high-handed Frenchmen. The Secretary of the Treasury had instructed the Collector of Customs, in a letter written August 4, 1793, to prevent the fitting out of privateers in ports of the United States, and they were required to "visit in the strictest manner, not only all privateers, but all vessels entering or going out of American Ports." Notwithstanding the most energetic measures the law was violated, and the courts of the country were kept busy. After Washington's proclamation La Cassius, L'Ami de la Point à Petre, L'Amour de la Liberté, La Vengeance, La Montague, Le Vanqueur de la Bastile, La Carmagnole, L'Espérance, Citizen Gênét, and Sans Pareil were the worst offenders, and Dutch, English, and Spanish vessels were captured and taken to New York, Newport, and Norfolk. Fights were even frequent between English and French vessels within the confines of the same harbor. Callender, in his mischievous way, tried to increase popular sympathy for the French cause, and, to create prejudice against the English, referred to the fact that certain members of American crews were "pressed" by English cruisers in the West Indies.
Adet was constantly stirring up mischief -- one of his complaints being that he and Fauchet had been snubbed and discriminated against on ceremonial occasions. "The French Ministers," he said, "have always enjoyed the precedency as to those of England, not only in the United States, but throughout the World, and France, as a republic, has possessed and will preserve the rank she has had in the Diplomatic Corps under her ancient regime."1
Hamilton had already left the Cabinet, but was alive to all of the interference with our rights as a nation, and felt the insults very keenly. Adams had sent Gerry, Marshall, and Pinckney to France to obtain compensation for the depredations on commerce; but they returned after submitting to indignities forced upon them by Talleyrand and his mistress, who acted as his representative, and they declined to pay a douceur to the latter to gain the favor of her impudent protector.
About this time General Schuyler wrote to Hamilton:
Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton
ALBANY, Monday, April 10th, 1797.
MY DEAR SIR: The Governor left this on the day of the date of your letter enclosing one for him, -- which as it is now useless I do not return to you.
I am so much indisposed that I apprehend I shall not be able to attend Congress at the opening of the Session, If at all.
In the present posture of our affairs France seems to have left us no alternative but a mean and Ignominious submission to her despotic caprice or a dignified resentment. Under my present feelings I am for the latter, even at the risk of an open rupture, for I believe it better manfully to meet a war than to degrade the national character by a pusillanimous acquiescence to Insult and injury. -- Our Commerce will suffer, but It suffers already as much or nearly as much as It would were war actually proclaimed. -- Our seaports too will be exposed to insult, they are so already -- and we have no means of protecting them, unless we seek aid where only It is to be found as well for the protection of our commerce as of our ports, I mean by an alliance with Britain. It is not now and I believe never will be the interest of that nation to see France domineer over us. -- It cannot be the interest of the former ones to attempt to annex their states to her dominions. I believe we are more valuable to her, Mutual good will as independent states than we would be as colonies. -- Indeed the attempt by other nations to subjugate us appears to me must most certainly fail.
I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you, My Dear Eliza and the Children here at the close of this or early in next week.
God bless you all
Yours most affectionately
PH. SCHUYLER.
When, in 1799, Adams sent Vans Murray, who was generally regarded as a weak and incompetent man, to France to continue negotiations there was much dissatisfaction. General Schuyler again addressed Hamilton, March 20, 1799: "The President's nomination of ambassador to France appears to me a measure replete with weakness and inconsistency, and has in my opinion degraded himself and his country, -- and if he was previous to the nomination advised that French agents were to be sent from Hamburgh