Engine of Inequality. Karen Petrou

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Engine of Inequality - Karen Petrou


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that inaction, an answer made still more angry and urgent by America in the wake of the pandemic. If more small businesses had been able to access sound credit before COVID, then many fewer would have closed and many more lower-income jobs would have survived. If most Americans had been able to put aside some savings, then families wouldn't have run to food pantries in still-untold numbers. If policy-makers had seen the extent to which the Fed's vaunted recovery stopped far short of people and businesses of color, then the fury following George Floyd's murder would have focused solely on racial justice, not also on demands to “eat the rich.” If financial institutions – not just banks – had been properly regulated, then Americans wouldn't have been so deeply in debt and the financial system wouldn't have crumpled the first day COVID's force was felt. And if the Fed hadn't immediately rushed in to rescue all this risk-taking, then Americans of wealth wouldn't have become so much richer so much faster even as US unemployment numbers reached heights not seen since the Great Depression.

      Economic inequality is not a curse that afflicts America because some people just don't try hard enough or even because some politicians just don't care enough. This book – the first to do so – will show that US income and wealth inequality grew worse faster than ever before after 2010 due to the one thing that dramatically changed that year: the way the Federal Reserve set monetary and regulatory policy. As you will see, there is a clear and causal connection between financial policy and economic inequality and breaking it is desirable, feasible, politically achievable, and meaningful as a near-term equality remedy.

      It might seem fanciful to target financial policy – after all, most of us don't even follow financial policy, let alone feel its impact in our daily lives. However, the interest rates we get at the bank or pay on our debt, the returns some of us achieve in the stock market, the financial companies we choose or are forced to do business with, and even the wages we get are the result of financial policy. As a result, financial policy controls key turbines in the inequality engine.

      In the US, money thus moves where monetary and regulatory policy drives it. And ever since the great financial crisis, policy drove money to take ever more speculative bets in financial markets that know neither risk nor bounds thanks again to financial policy. How could it have been that, the day in April 2020 that the US announced then-record COVID deaths, the S&P 500 finished its best week since 1974? As this book will show in detail, one need look no farther than the Fed, which that day also stepped in with trillions to backstop even the riskiest investments.

      It's thus clear that money determines an economy's haves and have-nots, but how does the inequality engine powered by money work? First, the engine analogy encapsulates the lesson in the Gospel of St. Matthew: “For unto every one that hath shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath” (Matthew 25:29).

      The second reason to think of inequality as a financial-policy engine is that it helps us reckon with the critical importance of taking actions that put it into reverse or even turn it off. Letting an engine continue on its course even though the course is wrong only gets us farther from our goal at speeds set ever faster by the engine's cumulative force. To make a difference in inequality, we thus need to pick policies that make a difference as quickly as possible.

      Much inequality thinking proposes far grander repairs, but most are controversial, costly, and – most importantly – slow-acting. For example, reforming the nation's educational system is indeed an important inequality fix, but it will take years before kids in a better primary school graduate from institutions of higher education and decrease family inequality. We can't wait that long.

      Because inequality is an engine with cumulative force that chews up low-, moderate-, and even middle-income families, meaningful solutions must not just be fast-acting, but also politically plausible. Changes to US fiscal policy – i.e., to taxation and spending – such as a “wealth tax” or “guaranteed income” are appealing to some in macroeconomic and social-justice terms but face long, long political odds. Financial-policy fixes to the inequality engine aren't always optimal, but practical policy solutions to income and wealth inequality slow down the inequality engine and give us time also to make more profound structural repairs.

      So, what are these fast-acting, politically plausible, and high-impact financial-policy fixes? The first recrafts US monetary policy so it sets interest rates at levels I call a “living return” and retracts the Fed's safety net from beneath financial markets. Ever since the mid-2000s, the prime directive of US monetary policy is what the Fed calls the “wealth effect,” which as its name clearly implies assumes that the wealthier a few people get, the more money trickles down to the rest of us. The wealth effect worked in one sense – wealth has grown to prodigious heights in fewer and fewer hands – but it's done nothing for broader, shared prosperity. This book thus posits a set of monetary-policy actions premised on an equality effect derived from ground-up Fed interventions, not top-down largesse.

      And the Fed missed the fact that most American families lived paycheck to paycheck, making ends meet only via high-cost debt. The central bank touted its ultra-low interest rates as a boost to the wealth effect, but all they meant to the vast majority of American households was no hope of saving for the future. Most of the debt they used to get by also remained very, very expensive.

      As we'll see, this high debt burden, combined with the challenges to robust employment, hit America hard when COVID pulled the rug out from under all the Fed's mistaken expectations. Still, when the pandemic struck, the Fed created two huge facilities to backstop giant corporate debt and opened a “Main Street” bank that in fact did business with companies able to repay loans greater than $250,000 because their annual revenues were as much as $5 billion. The Fed could and should instead have opened a Family Financial Facility that provided ground-up – not trickle-down – emergency economic support.

      However, it's not enough for the Fed first to fix monetary policy based on a true reading of America's unequal economy and also to aid those truly in economic need under acute stress. We


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