The Story of the Great War (Vol. 1-8). Various Authors
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if Austrian advance were stopped after occupation of Belgrade, I think Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs' formula might be changed to read that the powers would examine how Serbia could fully satisfy Austria without impairing Serbian sovereign rights or independence.
"If Austria, having occupied Belgrade and neighboring Serbian territory declares herself ready, in the interest of European peace, to cease her advance and to discuss how a complete settlement can be arrived at, I hope that Russia would also consent to discussion and suspension of further military preparations, provided that other powers did the same.
"It is a slender chance of preserving peace, but the only one I can suggest if Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs can come to no agreement at Berlin. You should inform Minister for Foreign Affairs"
Grey wrote Ambassador Bertie at Paris enclosing a copy of a letter he had written to Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, on November 22, 1912, and of the agreement of which M. Cambon had just reminded him. The letter was as follows:
"From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and military experts have consulted together. It has always been understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation between experts is not, and ought not to be regarded as, an engagement that commits either Government to action in a contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement to cooperate in war.
"You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon the armed assistance of the other.
"I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect should be given to them."
Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin to Sir Edward Grey:
"The Chancellor [Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg] told me last night that he was 'pressing the button' as hard as he could, and that he was not sure whether he had not gone so far in urging moderation at Vienna that matters had been precipitated rather than otherwise."
France. M. Viviani, Prime Minister, informed the Ambassadors at St. Petersburg and London that Germany had notified Russia of her decision to mobilize unless Russia ceased her military preparations.
"M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, declares that in these circumstances Russia can only expedite her arming and consider war as imminent; that she counts on the help of France as an ally; and that she considers it desirable that England should join Russia and France without loss of time.
"France is resolved to fulfill all the obligations of her alliance.
"She will not neglect, however, any effort toward a solution of the conflict in the interests of universal peace. The conversation entered into between the powers which are less directly interested still allows of the hope that peace may be preserved; I therefore think it would be well that, in taking any precautionary measures of defense, which Russia thinks must go on, she should not immediately take any step which may offer to Germany a pretext for a total or partial mobilization of her forces.
"Yesterday, in the late afternoon, the German Ambassador [Baron von Schoen] spoke to me of the military measures which the Government of the republic were taking, adding that France was able to act in this way, but that in Germany preparations could not be secret and that French opinion should not be alarmed if Germany decided on them.
"I answered that the French Government had not taken any step which could give their neighbors any cause for disquietude, and that their wish to lend themselves to any negotiations for the purpose of maintaining peace could not be doubted."
Ambassador Paléologue reported from St. Petersburg that, in deference to the desire of M. Viviani, no pretext be offered Germany for general mobilization, the Russian General Staff had suspended all measures of military precaution.
"Yesterday the chief of the staff sent for the Military Attaché of the German Embassy and gave him his word of honor that the mobilization ordered this morning was exclusively directed against Austria.
"Nevertheless, from an interview which he had this afternoon with Count Pourtalès [German Ambassador], M. Sazonof was forced to the conclusion that Germany does not wish to pronounce at Vienna the decisive word which would safeguard peace. The Emperor Nicholas has received the same impression from an exchange of telegrams which he has just had personally with the Emperor William.
"Moreover, the Russian General Staff and Admiralty have received disquieting information concerning the preparations of the German army and navy.
"In giving me this information Mr. Sazonof added that the Russian Government are continuing none the less their efforts toward conciliation. He repeated to me: 'I shall continue to negotiate until the last moment.'"
Ambassador Jules Cambon reported from Berlin of the official recall of the press announcement of German mobilization, but added that his apprehension of the plans of Germany was not diminished thereby.
"It seems certain that the Extraordinary Council held yesterday evening at Potsdam with the military authorities under the presidency of the emperor decided on mobilization, and this explains the preparation of the special edition of the 'Lokal Anzeiger,' but that from various causes (the declaration of Great Britain that she reserved her entire liberty of action, the exchange of telegrams between the czar and William II) the serious measures which had been decided upon were suspended.
"One of the ambassadors with whom I have very close relations saw Herr von Zimmermann at two o'clock. According to the Under-Secretary of State, the military authorities are very anxious that mobilization should be ordered, because every delay makes Germany lose some of her advantages. Nevertheless, up to the present time the haste of the General Staff, which sees war in mobilization, had been successfully prevented. In any case mobilization may be decided upon at any moment. I do not know who has issued in the 'Lokal Anzeiger,' a paper which is usually semiofficial, premature news calculated to cause excitement in France.
"Further, I have the strongest reasons to believe that all the measures for mobilization which can be taken before the publication of the general order have already been taken here, and that they are anxious here to make us publish our mobilization first in order to attribute the responsibility to us."
M. Viviani instructed Ambassador Paul Cambon at London to inform Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, of the following facts of French and German military preparations, to show that, "if France is resolved, it is not she who is taking aggressive steps."
"Although Germany has made her covering dispositions a few hundred meters from the frontier, along the whole front from Luxemburg to the Vosges, and has transported her covering troops to their war positions, we have kept our troops ten kilometers from the frontier and forbidden them to approach nearer.
"By leaving a strip of territory undefended against sudden aggression of the enemy, the Government of the republic hopes to prove that France does not bear, any more than Russia, the responsibility for the attack.
"In order to be convinced of this, it is sufficient to compare the steps taken on the two sides of our frontier; in France soldiers who were on leave were not recalled until we were certain that Germany had done so five days before.
"In Germany, not only have the garrison troops of Metz been pushed up to the frontier, but they have been reenforced by units transported by train from garrisons of the interior such as Trèves or Cologne; nothing like this has been done in France.
"The arming