The Law of Nations Treated According to the Scientific Method. Christian von Wolff
Читать онлайн книгу.
to be considered as a single person, belong to the nation. For the nation has nothing except that which of itself belongs to the individuals. Therefore if the question arises as to the money of the entire nation, it is undoubtedly necessary that the money of the individuals combined into one sum be assigned to the nation. Nor is this at variance with common notions, for we all call a nation
[print edition page 59]
rich, if it has much money, without consideration as to how it is distributed among individuals; for it is not necessary that individuals be rich, for the nation to be rich, just as the individuals are not learned, if the nation is learned. Hence has arisen the proverb, or at least it is not inaptly transferred here: the poor man is found everywhere.
§ 66. What nation is rich
§ 65.
§ 43.
Since the wealth of a nation is determined by combining the money of the individuals into one sum, consequently since it matters little how the money is distributed among individuals, the nation is rich in which there are many rich families.
So the English and the Dutch are reputed rich nations, because among both nations there are many rich families. As long as we look at the nation itself as a nation, or even with respect to other nations, it makes no difference how the money is distributed among the individuals. But it is another proposition, if the individuals, who make up the nation, are considered with reference to each other, with the idea of imposing burdens on them, so that no one may be too heavily loaded. But since money can be stamped out of silver, silver vessels and any other things made of solid silver are on a par with coined money, since in case of necessity, when there is an extraordinary need of a great sum of money, they can be turned into money.
§ 67. What things make a nation rich
§ 65.
§ 63.
Likewise because a nation is rich which possesses very large amounts of money, since moreover money is increased by the aid of foreign commerce, external commerce can make a nation rich.
Indeed there is no other reason why maritime nations, as the Portuguese, the Spaniards, the English, the Dutch, have established trade with far away nations, and why other nations imitate them.
§ 68. When commerce makes a nation poorer
§ 65.
In like manner since the wealth of a nation is determined by combining the money of the individuals into one sum, and since money is diminished
[print edition page 60]
by external commerce, if more is bought from foreign nations than is sold to them—a fact which is self-evident—external commerce makes a nation poorer, if it buys more from other nations than it sells to them.
Of course more money is taken away than is received and therefore it is necessary that it should steadily decrease. Therefore in external commerce there is need of much caution, lest it be injurious to a nation. But this is to be more fully discussed in the “Politics.”
§ 69. Of the power of a nation
§ 972, part 1, Jus Nat.
A nation is said to be powerful which can resist the force of other nations by which either the nation itself or its property is attacked. Therefore the greater its power for resisting foreign attack, the more powerful the nation is. And since for resisting foreign attack, consequently for defending itself and its property against other nations, or even for obtaining by force its own right from another nation which refuses to concede it, both a number of soldiers, not infrequently vast, and enormous expenditures are required—a fact which is quite plain from experience—the power of a nation depends upon the number of men who can perform military service, and upon its wealth. And since it is just the same whether the soldiers are natives or foreigners hired for a price, a nation is still rated as powerful, if it is rich enough to hire for a price as many foreign soldiers as it needs.
Nevertheless it is quite plain that the power of that nation must be considered greater, which has no need to purchase foreign aid, but is sufficient of itself alone, since in the case of hiring foreign soldiery, power is made dependent upon the consent of other nations, which cannot always be obtained nor obtained without delay, which quite often is harmful. But how many men are given up to utter destruction, when a war blazes up, and how great expenses have to be incurred for military affairs, the records of all times show and we have experienced in our own days. Indeed if one may believe recent announcements, the French alone in the present seven years’ war have lost 146,000 able-bodied men and have spent 840,000,000 French livres or 280,000,000 [German] thalers—a thing which cannot be done
[print edition page 61]
except by a very powerful nation. From this too it is understood how great the power of a nation ought to be, if the war is to be continued through several years.
§ 70. Of the obligation to strive for power
§ 35.
§ 29.
§ 15, part 8, Jus Nat.
§ 12, part 8, Jus Nat.
§ 69.
Nations ought to strive as far as they are able to be powerful. For every nation ought to perfect itself, consequently to strive to be fitted to accomplish the purpose of the state. Therefore, since security also is required for the purpose of the state, consequently freedom from fear of force, especially external force, it ought also to strive to be able to resist the force of other nations by which it or its property is assailed. Therefore, since a nation is powerful, if it is strong enough to resist, nations ought to strive to be powerful. Which was the first point.
§ 209, part 1, Phil. Pract. Univ.
But since indeed no one can be bound to do that which is impossible, nations ought to strive as far as they are able to be powerful. Which was the second point.
The power of a nation must be considered to be among those things which do not depend altogether upon itself, but are subject to the vicissitudes of fortune. The obligation therefore is not to be extended beyond that which can be done. But a nation errs if, when it can increase its power, it neglects to do so, and it pays the proper penalty of its weakness, if from this it suffers the loss which at length results.
§ 71. Whether to attain a licit end one may use illicit means
§ 170, part 1, Phil. Pract. Univ.
§ 350, part 1, Jus Nat.
§§ 519, 536, part 2, Jus Nat.
To attain a licit end one may not use illicit means. For we are bound to forego that which is illicit. Therefore one may not use illicit means to attain a licit end.
§ 383, part 1, Jus Nat., and § 170, part 1, Phil. Pract. Univ.
For example, every man is bound to preserve his own life, consequently he is expected to look out for food and drink for himself. Nevertheless he is not therefore allowed to steal or to carry away what belongs to another, that he may have something to live on. For this is illicit, although the former is licit.
[print edition page 62]
§ 72. Of the illicit method of increasing power
§ 71.
§ 70.
§ 1111, part 1, Jus Nat.
§ 1109, part 1, Jus Nat.
Since it is not permissible to attain a licit end by illicit means, nations, although they ought to strive as far as they are able to be powerful, nevertheless ought not to increase their power by an illicit method, consequently since an unjust war is illicit, and since there is no just cause of war unless a wrong has been done or threatened, a nation may not subject other nations to its control by force of arms simply for the sake of increasing its own power.
§ 55, part 8, Jus Nat.
§ 858, part 1, Jus Nat.
§ 859, part