Black Mens Studies. Serie McDougal III
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sons as compared to daughters. Black male gender identity develops through gender socialization processes.
What it means to be a man or boy varies widely across the globe. Equally, there is no one definition of masculinity or manhood that could possibly apply to all Black males. Indeed, singular notions of Black male gender can exclude large numbers of males who operate based upon different notions of what it means to be both Black and male (Howard, 2014). Gender role identities are personal beliefs ←64 | 65→about the characteristics of one sex compared to others, the feelings associated with those beliefs, and how individuals perceive themselves in comparison to others of their gender (Mandara, Murray, & Joyner, 2011; Wood & Hilton, 2013; Woolfolk, 2008). On a broader level, gender roles are socially constructed and shaped by all members of society (Wood & Hilton, 2013).
Where Black Males Get Ideas About Manhood and Masculinity
To enhance Black males’ exposure to positive images of masculinity, it is important to understand where they get their images of masculinity. Roberts-Douglass, Curtis-Boles, Levant, Rochlen, and Wade (2013) interviewed 15 African American men about their images of masculinity acquired during adolescence and where those images came from. The images were both positive and negative and came from a variety of sources including family members and kin, peers, neighborhoods, institutions of learning, media and music. Identified images were classified into several categories: tough guy, gangster/thug, players of women, flashy and flamboyant, athletes, providers, and role models (Roberts-Douglass et al., 2013).
In general, adolescent Black males’ positive images came from family members. Negative images, like being a thug or player, came primarily from the media. Some of the sources of Black men’s understandings of manhood and masculinity, such as their peers and parents, are members of their reference groups. Peers in dangerous environments have also been found to be, in part, responsible for pressuring other Black youth to display bravado and brashness, while ridiculing those who do not display enough toughness (Belgrave & Brevard, 2015; Cunningham & Meunier, 2004). Franklin (1994) suggests that Black males who are too heavily peer-group controlled may be more likely to adopt the following characteristics of masculinity: aggressiveness, violence, competitiveness, heterosexuality, cool poses, dominance, sexism, and passivity/indifference in mainstream society.
Boys usually develop their sense of being a male between the ages of three and four due to their recognition of biological sex differences and sharing the same physical characteristics as others (Wade, 2014). A part of gender identity also comes from messages boys receive from others who tell them how a boy is supposed to be. Males often internalize the messages about masculinity they receive from their male reference group (Wade, 2014). During early childhood, a boy’s male reference group typically includes fathers, father figures, and groups of older males, but shifts to include other males over time. Adolescent males’ gender-related attitudes are affected by their male reference groups. According to Male Reference Group Identity Dependence (MRGID), differences in the ways that men define the characteristics of what it means to be male are formed in relation to their male reference group (Wade, 2014). The theory consists of four postulates of male reference group dependency statuses.
Postulate One states that “males identify with other males to the extent that they feel psychological relatedness to a particular group of males or type of males, or to all males” (Wade, 2014, p. 90). This postulate consists of three male reference group dependency statuses: No Reference Group, Reference Group Dependent, and Reference Group Non-dependent. In the no reference group status, boys feel no connection to any group or type of boys. Boys in the reference group dependent status feel connected to or identify with a specific group or characteristic type of boys. Boys in the reference group non-dependent status feel connected to or identify in a universalistic way with all boys.
Postulate Two states that the three levels of reference group dependency are related to three levels of ego identity. An undifferentiated or unintegrated identity is associated with the no reference group status. The conformist ego is associated with the reference group dependent status. The integrated identity is associated with the reference group non-dependent status.
Postulate Three states that “feelings of psychological relatedness to other males are associated with how males use reference groups for their gender role self-concept” (Wade, 2014, p. 90). The gender role status of boys in the no reference group status is undefined due to their lack of psychological relatedness ←65 | 66→to other males. The gender role status of boys in the reference group dependent status is dependent on the male reference group. The gender role status of boys in the reference group non-dependent status is not dependent on a male reference group due to having formed their own understandings (Wade, 2014).
According to Postulate Four, “how males use reference groups for their gender role self-concept is related to their gender-related attitudes and the quality of their gender role experiences” (Wade, 2014, p. 90). Boys in the no reference group status typically experience confusion, anxiety, and insecurity in their gender roles. Boys in the reference group dependent status are likely to keep strict adherence to gender roles, stereotypes, and attitudes; and have limited gender role experiences, behaviors, and in-group distinctions. Boys in the reference group non-dependent status experience gender role characteristics that are flexible, diverse, and unlimited.
Regarding peer groups, MRGID theory suggests that boys in the no reference group status have a greater likelihood of suffering from psychological distress. Boys who feel different or isolated from other boys have an increased likelihood of experiencing anxiety, depression, internal conflict, or confusion. Boys in the non-reference group dependent status, the model identity, generally feel comfortable with themselves as boys. Boys in the reference group dependent status also generally feel comfortable with themselves as boys, but that comfort may be less stable. They are likely to feel most at ease around boys who are like them. And they will need their male friends with them to feel at their most socially competent and comfortable in social situations.
It is typical for boys to be in the reference group dependent status. Thus, boys need to be guided into positive male reference groups that support them, and away from unhealthy ones. This is important because unhealthy peer groups (those involved in drug abuse, rejecting academics, engaging in violence or delinquency) can be attractive to young Black males by providing a strong sense of belongingness and identity. In many instances, a boys’ reference group may reject larger cultural norms. Boys need to be shown they share common characteristics with peers who are not involved in unhealthy and high-risk social behavior. For example, he may be musically talented but involved in a gang, and need to be shown other musically talented, non-gang affiliated boys who are benefiting from that identity (Wade, 2014). This requires that parents monitor their children’s whereabouts and know their friends. Typically, Black mothers engage in more child monitoring than Black fathers (Bulanda, 2010). Both mothers and fathers and other family associates must be strategic about shaping their sons’ reference groups.
Black Males’ Moral Development
A central issue to Black manhood is Black males’ values and morality. Wood and Hilton (2013) developed a non-linear, multidimensional conceptual model of Black male moral development. The model represents a continual cycle of moral development throughout Black males’ lives, with five stages: moral externality, moral experiment, moral consequence, moral negotiation, and moral internality. Wood and Hilton (2013) note that individuals will transition from self-centered perceptions of morality and a lack of social consciousness toward a morality of critique and a morality of Black community. The transition is influenced by Black culture and morality, identities (racial and gender), and the influence of stereotypical depictions of Black males as amoral and immoral (Wood & Hilton, 2013). Moral externality refers to the external regulation or moral norms and behaviors by authority figures such as family, community, and peers. In the moral experiment stage, individuals engage in a range of behaviors with a range of moral implications (e.g., partying, womanizing, restricting feelings). Directly connected to the previous stage, the moral consequence stage is when individuals develop their capacity to judge and evaluate the consequences of their moral choices and behaviors. In the moral negotiation