The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Volume 7. Бенджамин Франклин
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His reason for desiring to give me that trouble was, as he was pleased to say, that he knew no man so thoroughly acquainted with the subject, or so capable of giving advice upon it; that he thought the errors of ministers in American affairs had been often owing to their not obtaining the best information; that, therefore, though he had considered the business thoroughly in all its parts, he was not confident of his own judgment, but that he came to set it right by mine, as men set their watches by a regulator. He had not determined when he should produce it in the House of Lords; but in the course of our conversation, considering the precarious situation of his health, and that if presenting it was delayed some intelligence might arrive which would make it seem less seasonable, or in all parts not so proper, or the ministry might engage in different measures, and then say: “If you had produced your plan sooner, we might have attended to it,” he concluded to offer it the Wednesday following; and therefore wished to see me about it the preceding Tuesday, when he would again call upon me, unless I could conveniently come to Hayes. I chose the latter, in respect to his lordship, and because there was less likelihood of interruptions; and I promised to be with him early, that we might have more time. He stayed with me near two hours, his equipage waiting at the door; and being there while people were coming from church, it was much taken notice of, and talked of, as at that time was every little circumstance that men thought might possibly any way affect American affairs. Such a visit from so great a man, on so important a business, flattered not a little my vanity; and the honor of it gave me the more pleasure, as it happened on the very day twelve months that the ministry had taken so much pains to disgrace me before the Privy Council. Ref. 007
I applied myself immediately to the reading and considering the plan, of which, when it was afterwards published, I sent you a copy, and therefore need not insert it here. I put down upon paper, as I went along, some short memorandums for my future discourse with him upon it, which follow, that you may, if you please, compare them with the plan; and if you do so, you will see their drift and purpose, which otherwise would take me much writing to explain.
“NOTES FOR DISCOURSE WITH LORD CHATHAM ON HIS PLAN
Tuesday, 31 January, 1775.
Voluntary grants and forced taxes not to be expected of the same people at the same time.
Permanent revenue will be objected to. Would not a temporary agreement be best, suppose for one hundred years?
Does the whole of the rights claimed in the Petition of Rights relate to England only?
The American Naturalization Act gives all the rights of natural-born subjects to foreigners residing there seven years. Can it be supposed, that the natives there have them not?
If the king should raise armies in America, would Britain like their being brought hither? as the king might bring them when he pleased.
An act of Parliament requires the colonies to furnish sundry articles of provision and accommodation to troops quartered among them; this may be made very burdensome to colonies that are out of favor.
If a permanent revenue, why not the same privileges in trade with Scotland?
Should not the lands, conquered by Britain and the colonies in conjunction, be given them (reserving a quit-rent), whence they might form funds to enable them to pay?
Instructions about agents to be withdrawn.
Grants to be for three years, at the end of which a new Congress; and so from three to three years.
Congress to have the general defence of frontiers, making and regulating new settlements.
Protection mutual.
We go into all your wars.
Our settlements cost you nothing.
Take the plan of union.
‘Defence, extension, and prosperity of.’ The late Canada Act prevents their extension, and may check their prosperity.
Laws should be secure as well as charters.
Perhaps if the legislative power of Parliament is owned in the colonies, they may make a law to forbid the meeting of any Congress,” etc.
I was at Hayes early on Tuesday, agreeable to my promise, when we entered into consideration of the plan; but, though I stayed near four hours, his lordship, in the manner of, I think, all eloquent persons, was so full and diffuse in supporting every particular I questioned, that there was not time to go through half my memorandums. He is not easily interrupted, and I had such pleasure in hearing him that I found little inclination to interrupt him. Therefore, considering that neither of us had much expectation that the plan would be adopted entirely as it stood; that, in the course of its consideration, if it should be received, proper alterations might be introduced; that, before it would be settled, America should have opportunity to make her objections and propositions of amendment; that, to have it received at all here, it must seem to comply a little with some of the prevailing prejudices of the legislature; that, if it was not so perfect as might be wished, it would at least serve as a basis for treaty, and in the meantime prevent mischiefs; and that, as his lordship had determined to offer it the next day, there was not time to make changes and another fair copy, I therefore ceased my querying, and, though afterwards many people were pleased to do me the honor of supposing I had a considerable share in composing it, I assure you that the addition of a single word only was made at my instance, viz., “constitutions” after “charters”; for my filling up, at his request, a blank with the titles of acts proper to be repealed, which I took from the proceedings of the Congress, was no more than might have been done by any copying clerk.
On Wednesday, Lord Stanhope, at Lord Chatham’s request, called upon me, and carried me down to the House of Lords, which was soon very full. Lord Chatham, in a most excellent speech, introduced, explained, and supported his plan. When he sat down, Lord Dartmouth rose, and very properly said it contained matter of such weight and magnitude as to require much consideration; and he therefore hoped the noble earl did not expect their lordships to decide upon it by an immediate vote, but would be willing it should lie upon the table for consideration. Lord Chatham answered readily that he expected nothing more.
But Lord Sandwich rose, and in a petulant, vehement speech, opposed its being received at all, and gave his opinion that it ought to be immediately rejected, with the contempt it deserved; that he could never believe it to be the production of any British peer; that it appeared to him rather the work of some American; and turning his face towards me, who was leaning on the bar, said he fancied he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country had ever known. This drew the eyes of many lords upon me, but as I had no inducement to take it to myself, I kept my countenance as immovable as if my features had been made of wood. Then several other lords of the administration gave their sentiments also for rejecting it, of which opinion also was strongly the wise Lord Hillsborough. But the Dukes of Richmond and Manchester, Lord Shelburne, Lord Camden, Lord Temple, Lord Lyttleton, and others, were for receiving it, some through approbation, and others for the character and dignity of the House. One lord mentioning with applause the candid proposal of one of the ministers, Lord Dartmouth, his lordship rose again and said that, having since heard the opinions of so many lords against receiving it, to lie upon the table for consideration, he had altered his mind, could not accept the praise offered him for a candor of which he was now ashamed, and should therefore give his voice for rejecting the plan immediately.
I am the more particular in this, as it is a trait of that nobleman’s character, who from his office is supposed to have so great a share in American affairs, but who has in reality no will or judgment of his own, being, with disposition for the best measures, easily prevailed with to join in the worst.
Lord Chatham, in his reply to Lord Sandwich, took notice of his liberal insinuation that the plan was not the person’s who proposed it; declared that it was entirely his own; a declaration he thought himself the more obliged to make, as many of their lordships appeared to have so mean an opinion of it; for if it was so weak or so bad a thing, it was proper in him to take care that no other person should unjustly share in the censure