Una historia del movimiento negro estadounidense en la era post derechos civiles (1968-1988). Valeria L. Carbone
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At the River I stand (1993), Freedom on my Mind (1994), Ghosts of Mississippi (1996), Mr. & Mrs. Loving (1996), Four Little Girls (1997), Ruby Bridges (1998), Selma Lord Selma (1999), Boycott (2001), The Rosa Parks story (2002), Rising Up (2005), Dare Not Walk Alone (2009), The Help (2011), The Buttler (2013), Selma (2014), y la más reciente All the Way (2016).
12 Charles W. Eagles, “Toward new histories of the civil rights era”, en The Journal of Southern History (66), N° (2000), 816.
13 Julio Aróstegui, La investigación histórica: teoría y método (Barcelona: Crítica, 2001), 368.
14 Leigh Rainford y Renee C. Romano, “The Struggle over Memory”, en Renee C. Romano y Leigh Rainford (ed.), The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory (Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2006), XIX.
15 Kathryn L. Nasstrom; “Down to now: Memory, Narrative and Women’s Leadership in the Civil Rights Movement in Atlanta, Georgia”, en Renee C. Romano y Leigh Rainford, op. cit., 255-256.
16 Clayborne Carson, siendo el principal y más reconocido biógrafo y estudioso de la figura de King, ha criticado esta perspectiva (a pesar de haber contribuido enormemente a ella), afirmando que este tipo de estudios dan la impresión de que King no sólo era la principal figura, símbolo nacional de la lucha de los negros y su vocero por excelencia sino su principal instigador, cuando en realidad, sobre todo entre 1956 y 1961, no jugó sino un papel secundario como motivador en lugares que ya estaban atravesando sus propios procesos de lucha y movilización. Clayborne Carson, “Civil Rights Reform and the Black Freedom Movement”, en Charles W. Eagles (ed.), The Civil Rights Movement in America (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1986), 26.
17 Nikhil Pal Singh, Black is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 5.
18 Steven F. Lawson y Charles M. Payne, op. cit., 41.
19 Steven F. Lawson, “Long Origins of the Short Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1968”, en Danielle McGuire y John Dittmer (ed.), Freedom Rights, New Perspectives on the Civil Rights Movement (United States: University Press of Kentucky, 2011), 11.
20 Jacqueline Dowd Hall, “The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past”, The Journal of American History (91), Nº 4 (2005), 1238.
21 Francis Fox Piven y Richard A. Cloward, Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage Books, 1979). Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984). Doug McAdams, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). Charles M. Payne, I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
22 Clayborne Carson, “Civil Rights Reform and the Black Freedom Movement”, en Charles W. Eagles (ed.), The Civil Rights Movement in America (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1986). John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1994). Adam Fairclough, Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915-1972 (Athens, University of Georgia Press, 1995). Dona C. Hamilton y Charles V. Hamilton, The Dual Agenda: Race and Social Welfare Policies of Civil Rights Organizations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).
23 David J. Garrow (ed.), The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It: The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (University of Tennessee Press, 1987). Charles M. Payne, “Ella Baker and Models of Social Change”, Journal of Women in Culture and Society (14) N° 4 (1989). Belinda Robnett, How Long? How Long: African-American Women in the Struggle for Civil Rights (New York, Oxford University Press, 1997). Chana Kai Lee, For Freedom’s Sake: The Life of Fannie Lou Hamer (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1999). V.P. Franklin, Sisters in the Struggle: African-American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power Movement (New York: New York University Press, 2001). Erika Gordon, “A Layin’ on of hands: Black Women’s Community Work”, en Ollie A. Johnson y Karin L. Stanford, Black Political Organizations in the Post-Civil Rights Era (Rutgers University Press, 2002). Kathryn L. Nasstrom, “Down to now: Memory, Narrative and Women’s Leadership in the Civil Rights Movement in Atlanta, Georgia”; en Renne C. Romano y Leigh Rainford, op. cit.
24 Manning Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945-1990 (Jackson & London: University Press of Mississippi, 1991). Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1992).
25 Bayard Rustin, “From Protest to Politics: The Future of the Civil Rights Movement”, Commentary, (1 Feb 1965), http://www.commentarymagazine.com/article/from-protest-to-politics-the-future-of-the-civil-rights-movement/ (consultado en 4 Ene 2014).
26 Una de las premisas para la elaboración de esta hipótesis es la establecida por Clayborne Carson, quien afirmó que “The notion of a black freedom struggle seeking a broad range of goals suggest, in contrast, that there was much continuity between the period before 1965 and the period after. (…) a black freedom movement seeking generalized racial advancement evolved into a black power movement toward the unachieved goals of the earlier movement”. Clayborne Carson, “Civil Rights Reform and the Black Freedom Movement”, en Charles W. Eagles, ed., The Civil Rights Movement in America, op. cit., 27-28.
27 Mark Wild, “Thinking about the Civil Rights Movement in a Conservative Age”, History Compass (3) NA 135, 1-5, (Blackwell Publishing: 2005), 2.
28 Nikhil Pal Singh, op. cit., 5.
29 Harvard Sitkoff es uno de los que destacó que, a lo largo de la década de 1970, los afro-estadounidenses perdieron interés en el sistema político y en la participación electoral. Según el autor, en las elecciones de 1972, sólo 7 de los 14 millones de afro-estadounidenses habilitados para votar se empadronaron para hacerlo, y hacia 1976, apenas el 42% ejerció su derecho al voto, mostrando una tendencia a la baja que se acentuó en las elecciones de 1980. Por su parte, Howard Zinn destacó que si bien hacia fines de 1970 el movimiento había logrado dramáticos progresos (más de 2000 afro-estadounidenses detentaban cargos públicos en el sur, contaban