Connected: The Amazing Power of Social Networks and How They Shape Our Lives. James Fowler
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into the air. And if we were to drop this mass of buttons onto another spot on the floor, it would look different than it did when we first picked it up. But the topology—which is a fundamental and intrinsic property of the network of buttons—would be exactly the same, no matter how many times we picked up and dropped the mass of connected buttons. Each button has the same relational position to other particular buttons that it had before; its location in the network has not changed. Visualization software tries to show this in two dimensions and to reveal the underlying topology by putting the most tangled buttons in the center and the least connected ones on the edges. It’s as if you were trying to untangle a gnarled set of Christmas-tree lights, and there were tendrils of the gnarled mess that you could pull out, and also a thicket of inter-knotted lights that remained in the center no matter how often you turned the tangle over on the floor.
For numerous reasons we will explore, people come to occupy particular spots in the naturally occurring and continuously evolving social networks that surround us. Organic networks have a structure, complexity, function, spontaneity, and sheer beauty not found in organized networks, and their existence provokes questions about how they arise, what rules they obey, and what purpose they serve.
Rules of Life in the Network
There are two fundamental aspects of social networks, whether they are as simple as a bucket brigade or as complex as a large multigenerational family, a college dormitory, an entire community, or the worldwide network that links us all. First, there is connection, which has to do with who is connected to whom. When a group is constituted as a network, there is a particular pattern of ties that connects the people involved, the topology. Moreover, ties are complicated. They can be ephemeral or lifelong; they can be casual or intense; they can be personal or anonymous. How we construct or visualize a network depends on how we define the ties of interest. Most analyses emphasize ties to family, friends, coworkers, and neighbors. But there are all sorts of social ties and, thus, all sorts of social networks. In fact, when things such as sexually transmitted diseases or dollar bills flow through a network, this flow itself can define the ties and hence the structure of a particular set of network connections.
Second, there is contagion, which pertains to what, if anything, flows across the ties. It could be buckets of water, of course, but it also could be germs, money, violence, fashions, kidneys, happiness, or obesity. Each of these flows might behave according to its own rules. For example, fire cannot be transported in buckets toward the river; germs cannot affect someone who is immune; and obesity, which we will discuss in chapter 4, tends to spread faster between people of the same sex.
Understanding why social networks exist and how they work requires that we understand certain rules regarding connection and contagion—the structure and function—of social networks. These principles explain how ties can cause the whole to be greater than the sum of the parts.
RULE 1: WE SHAPE OUR NETWORK
Humans deliberately make and remake their social networks all the time. The primary example of this is homophily, the conscious or unconscious tendency to associate with people who resemble us (the word literally means “love of being alike”). Whether it’s Hells Angels or Jehovah’s Witnesses, drug addicts or coffee drinkers, Democrats or Republicans, stamp collectors or bungee jumpers, the truth is that we seek out those people who share our interests, histories, and dreams. Birds of a feather flock together.
But we also choose the structure of our networks in three important ways. First, we decide how many people we are connected to. Do you want one partner for a game of checkers or many partners for a game of hide-and-seek? Do you want to stay in touch with your crazy uncle? Do you want to get married, or would you rather play the field? Second, we influence how densely interconnected our friends and family are. Should you seat the groom’s college roommate next to your bridesmaid at the wedding? Should you throw a party so all your friends can meet each other? Should you introduce your business partners? And third, we control how central we are to the social network. Are you the life of the party, mingling with everyone at the center of the room, or do you stay on the sidelines?
Diversity in these choices yields an astonishing variety of structures for the whole network in which we come to be embedded. And it is diversity in these choices—a diversity that has both social and genetic origins as we will see in chapter 7—that places each of us in a unique location in our own social network. Of course, sometimes these structural features are not a matter of choice; we may live in places that are more or less conducive to friendship, or we may be born into large or small families. But even when these social-network structures are thrust upon us, they still rule our lives.
We actually know quite a bit about how people vary in terms of how many friends and social contacts they have and in how interconnected they are. Yet, identifying who a person’s social contacts are can be a tricky business since people have many interactions of varying intensities with all sorts of people. While a person may know a few hundred people by sight and name, he will typically be truly close to only a few. One way social scientists identify such close individuals is to ask questions like, who do you discuss important matters with? Or, who do you spend your free time with? When answering such questions, people will identify a heterogeneous mix of friends, relatives, coworkers, schoolmates, neighbors, and others.
We recently put these questions to a sample of more than three thousand randomly chosen Americans. And we found that the average American has just four close social contacts, with most having between two and six. Sadly, 12 percent of Americans listed no one with whom they could discuss important matters or spend free time. At the other extreme, 5 percent of Americans had eight such people. About half of the people listed as members of Americans’ intimate groups were said to be friends, but the other half included a wide variety of different kinds of relationships, including spouses, partners, parents, siblings, children, coworkers, fellow members of clubs, neighbors, and professional advisers and consultants. Sociologist Peter Marsden has called this group of people that we all have a “core discussion network.” In a national sample of 1,531 Americans studied in the 1980s, he found that core-discussion-network size decreases as we age, that there is no overall difference between men and women in core-network size, and that those with a college degree have core networks that are nearly twice as large as those who did not finish high school.9
Next, in our own work, we asked the respondents to tell us how interconnected their social contacts were to each other. So if a person said that Tom, Dick, Harry, and Sue were his friends, we asked him if Tom knew Dick, if Tom knew Harry, if Tom knew Sue, if Dick knew Harry, and so on. We then used these answers to calculate the probability that any two of a person’s friends were also friends with each other. This probability is an important property that we use to measure how tightly interwoven a network is.
If you know Alexi, and Alexi knows Lucas, and Lucas knows you, we say this relationship is transitive—the three people involved form a triangle. Some people live in the thick of many transitive relationships (like person A in the illustration on page 14), while others have friends who do not know each other (like person B). Those with high transitivity are usually deeply embedded within a single group, while those with low transitivity tend to make contact with people from several different groups who do not know one another, making them more likely to act as a bridge between different groups. Overall, we found that if you are a typical American, the probability that any two of your social contacts know each other is about 52 percent.
Although these measures characterize the networks we can see, they also tell us something about the networks we cannot see. In the vast fabric of humanity, each person is connected to his friends, family, coworkers, and neighbors, but these people are in turn connected to their friends, family, coworkers, and neighbors, and so on endlessly into the distance, until everyone on earth is connected (pretty much) to everyone else, one way or another. So whereas we think of our own network as having a more limited social and geographic reach, the networks that surround each of us are actually very widely interconnected.