Lineages of the Absolutist State. Perry Anderson
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abroad. At home, Colbert’s fiscal retrenchment had been permanently wrecked: sale of offices was multiplied once again, old taxes were increased, new taxes were invented, loans were floated, commercial subsidies were jettisoned. War was henceforward to dominate virtually every aspect of the reign.27 The misery and famine caused by the State’s exactions and a series of bad harvests led to renewed risings of the peasantry in the Guyenne and Brittany in 1674–5, and summary armed suppression of them: this time no lord or squire attempted to use them for his ends. The nobility, relieved of monetary charges that Richelieu and Mazarin had tried to impose on it, remained loyal throughout.28
The restoration of peace for a decade in the 1680s, however, merely accentuated the surquedry of Bourbon Absolutism. The king now became immured in Versailles; ministerial calibre declined, as the generation chosen by Mazarin gave way to more or less mediocre successors by hereditary cooption from the same group of inter-related families in the noblesse de robe; clumsy anti-Papal gestures were mixed with heedless expulsion of Protestants from the realm; creaking legal chicanery was used for a series of small annexations in the North-East. Agrarian depression continued at home, if maritime commerce recovered and boomed, to the apprehension of English and Dutch merchants. The defeat of the French candidate for the Electorate of Cologne, and the accession of William III to the English monarchy, were the signals for the resumption of international conflict. The War of the League of Augsburg (1689–97) ranged virtually the whole of Western and Central Europe against France – Holland, England, Austria, Spain, Savoy, and most of Germany. French armies had been more than doubled in strength, to some 220,000 in the intervening decade. The most they proved able to do was hold the coalition to a costly draw: Louis XIV’s war aims were everywhere frustrated. The sole gain registered by France at the Treaty of Ryswick was European acceptance of the absorption of Strasbourg, secured before the fighting had broken out: all other occupied territories had to be evacuated, while the French navy was driven from the seas. To finance the war effort, a cascade of new offices was invented for sale, titles were auctioned, forced loans and public rents were multiplied, monetary values manipulated, and for the first time a ‘capitation’ tax was imposed that the nobility itself did not escape.29 Inflation, hunger and depopulation ravaged the countryside. But within five years, France was plunged back into the European conflict for the Spanish Succession. Louis XIV’s diplomatic ineptitude and brusque provocations once again maximized the coalition against France in the decisive military contest that was now joined: the advantageous testament of Charles II was flouted for the French heir, Flanders occupied by French troops, Spain directed by French emissaries, the slave-contracts with its American colonies annexed by French merchants, the exiled Stuart claimant ostentatiously hailed as legitimate monarch of England. Bourbon determination to monopolize the totality of the Hispanic Empire, refusing any partition or diminution of the vast Spanish haul, inevitably united Austria, England, Holland, and most of Germany against it. By reaching for everything, French Absolutism eventually secured virtually nothing from its supreme effort of political expansion. The Bourbon armies – now 300,000 strong, equipped with rifles and bayonets – were decimated at Blenheim, Ramillies, Turin, Oudenarde, Malplaquet. France itself was battered by invasion, as tax-farms collapsed at home, the currency was debased, bread riots raged in the capital, frost and famine numbed the countryside. Yet apart from the local Huguenot rising in the Cévennes, the peasantry remained still. Above it, the ruling class was compactly serried about the monarchy, even amidst its autocratic discipline and foreign disasters, which were shaking the whole society.
Tranquillity only came with final defeat in the war. The peace was mitigated by divisions in the victorious coalition against Louis XIV, which allowed the junior branch of the Bourbon dynasty to retain the monarchy in Spain, at the price of political separation from France. Otherwise, the ruinous ordeal had yielded Gallic Absolutism no benefit. It had merely established Austria in the Netherlands and Italy, and made England master of colonial commerce in Spanish America. The paradox of French Absolutism, in fact, was that its greatest domestic florescence did not coincide with its greatest international ascendancy: on the contrary, it was the still defective and incomplete State structure of Richelieu and Mazarin, marked by institutional anomalies and torn by internal upheavals, which achieved spectacular foreign successes, while the consolidated and stabilized monarchy of Louis XIV – with its enormously augmented authority and army – momentously failed to impose itself on Europe, or make notable territorial gains. Institutional construction and international expansion were dephased and inverted in the French case. The reason, of course, lay in the acceleration of a time distinct from that of Absolutism altogether, in the Maritime countries – Holland and England. Spanish Absolutism held European dominance for a hundred years; first checked by the Dutch Revolution, its ascendancy was finally broken by French Absolutism in the mid 17th century, with the aid of Holland. French Absolutism, however, enjoyed no comparable spell of hegemony in Western Europe. Within twenty years of the Treaty of the Pyrenees, its expansion had already been effectively halted. Louis XIV’s ultimate defeat was not due to his numerous strategic mistakes, but to the alteration in the relative position of France within the European political system attendant on the advent of the English Revolutions of 1640 and 1688.30 It was the economic rise of English capitalism and the political consolidation of its State in the later 17th century which ‘overtook’ French Absolutism, even in the epoch of the latter’s own ascent. The real victors of the War of the Spanish Succession were the merchants and bankers of London: a world-wide British imperialism was ushered in by it. The late feudal Spanish State had been brought down by its French counterpart and rival, aided by the early bourgeois State in Holland. The late feudal French State was stopped in its path by two capitalist States of unequal power – England, Holland – assisted by its Austrian counterpart. Bourbon Absolutism was intrinsically much stronger and more unified than Spanish Absolutism had been: but the forces arrayed against it were proportionately more powerful too. The strenuous inner preparations of Louis XIV’s reign for outer dominion proved vain. The hour of supremacy for Versailles, which seemed so near in the Europe of the 1660’s, never struck.
The advent of the Regency in 1715 announced the social reaction to this failure. The higher nobility, its pent-up grievances against royal autocracy suddenly released, staged an immediate come-back. The Regent secured the agreement of the Parlement of Paris to set aside Louis XIV’s will in exchange for restoring its traditional right of remonstrance: government passed into the hands of peers who promptly terminated the Ministerial system of the late king, assuming direct power themselves in the so-called polysynodie. Both the noblesse d’épée and the noblesse de robe were thus institutionally reinstated by the Regency. The new epoch was in fact to accentuate the overt class character of Absolutism: the 18th century witnessed a regression of non-noble influence in the State apparatus, and the collective dominance of an increasingly unified upper aristocracy. The magnate take-over of the Regency itself did not last: under Fleury and then two weak kings who succeeded him, the decision-making system at the summit of the State reverted to the old Ministerial pattern, now no longer controlled by a commanding monarch. But the nobility henceforward maintained a limpet grip on the highest offices of government: from 1714 to 1789, there were only three Ministers who were not titled aristocrats.31 The judicial magistrature of the parlements now likewise formed a closed stratum of nobles, both in Paris and the provinces, from which commoners were effectively barred. The royal intendants, once the scourge of provincial landowners, became a virtually hereditary caste in their turn: 14 of them in the reign of Louis XVI were sons of former intendants.32 In the Church, all archbishops and bishops were of noble origin by the second half of the century, and most abbacies, priories and canonries were controlled by the same class. In the Army, the top military commands were solidly occupied by grandees; purchase of companies by roturiers was banned in the 1760’s, when it became necessary to have unambiguous noble descent in order to qualify for the rank of officer. The aristocratic class as a whole retained a rigorous late feudal statute: it was a legally defined order of some 250,000 persons, which was exempt from the bulk of taxation and enjoyed a monopoly of the highest echelons of the bureaucracy, judiciary, clergy and army. Its subdivisions were now punctiliously defined in theory, and between the highest peerage and the lowest rural hobereaux there existed a great gulf. But in practice the lubricants of money and marriage made its upper reaches in many ways a more flexibly articulated group than ever before.