The History of Rome: Rise and Fall of the Empire. John Bagnell Bury
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approached 50,000, and was the most numerous force ever put in the field for an Armenian war. Corbulo crossed the Euphrates, and entered southern Armenia, advancing in the direction of Tigranocerta, and opening up the route which in former days had been followed by Lucullus when he advanced to overthrow Tigranes. He drove from their possessions those Armenian nobles who had led the revolt against Rome, and captured their fortresses. Then Vologeses sent envoys to demand an armistice, and Tiridates proposed a personal interview with the Roman general. Corbulo acceded, and made no objection when Tiridates proposed that the place of meeting should be at Randeia, the scene of the disaster of Paetus. He commanded the son of Paetus, who was a military tribune in his army, to take some troops with him, and cover up the relics of the battlefield. Tiridates and Corbulo, each attended by twenty horsemen, met on the appointed day. It was agreed that the Parthian should take the diadem from his head, place it in front of the Emperor’s image, and not resume it until he had formally received it in Rome from the Emperor’s own hand. This ceremony was to take place in the presence of both armies and on the very spot where Paetus had capitulated, so that the memory of the disgrace which had then tarnished Roman arms might in some measure be effaced. The interview ended with a kiss. After a few days, the solemnity took place. On one side was ranged the Parthian cavalry with their national decorations; on the other, the legions with glittering eagles, and standards, and images of the gods, set so as to represent a temple. Between the armies was a tribunal supporting a chair of state, on which a statue of Nero was placed. Tiridates advanced, and, having slain the customary victims, removed the diadem from his head and placed it at the foot of the statue. Then Corbulo courteously entertained the king, who prepared to set out for Rome, as soon as he had visited his brothers. This time, Corbulo’s favorite scheme succeeded. New statesmen were influential at Rome, and the vanity of the Emperor was gratified by the prospect of giving away the crown of Armenia to a Parthian prince as a humble suppliant. Tiridates, accompanied by 3000 Parthian horsemen, arrived in Rome in 66 A.D.. The ceremony of investiture took place in the Forum, where the brother of Vologeses, kneeling at the feet of his overlord, received the crown of Armenia. This settlement of the eastern question lasted for many years. Rome had succeeded in getting rid of a troublesome dependency without losing her prestige or endangering her interests.
One more eastern expedition was planned by Nero, but its execution was prevented by his overthrow. It was directed against the Alans, a people who lived north of the Caucasus, and had recently made some plundering excursions in Armenia and Media. The object was probably to occupy the “Caucasian Gate”, now known as the Dariel Pass, between Tiflis and Vladikaukas, with a permanent garrison; and this was for the advantage of Parthia as well as for that of Rome. The XIVth legion, which was recalled from Britain, and the I. Italica, newly enrolled for this expedition, were on the way to the east, when they were recalled on account of the revolt of Vindex.
It remains to tell the fate of Corbulo. His prominent position and services seem to have roused the jealousy of Nero, who summoned him to his presence in Greece (67 A.D.). When Corbulo landed at Cenchreae, he received a message to the effect that he was expected to cease to live. He plunged his sword in his breast, with the words, “I deserve it!”. It is impossible to know whether he had given any real ground of suspicion. He was an able soldier, but his merits, perhaps, have been exaggerated. Tacitus, at least, seems to use the meritorious Corbulo as a sort of antithesis to Nero, just as he set up Germanicus as a foil to Tiberius; and the contrast drawn between Corbulo’s unerring generalship and the rash incompetence of Paetus is obviously heightened for the sake of artistic effect.
Chapter XIX.
The Principate of Galba and the Year of the Four Emperors (68-69 A.D.)
SECT. I. — GALBA AND PISO
It has been already explained that with the death of a Princeps the Principate ceases until a successor is duly elected. This constitutional principle was exhibited in an unusually clear light at the death of Nero; for the interval, the interprincipate, so to speak, lasted seven days. And the circumstances were unprecedented. Hitherto the state had been practically, though not theoretically, “the inheritance, as it were, of one family”. But Nero had neither begotten nor adopted a son, and at his death there was no one belonging to the Julian or Claudian family to claim the allegiance of the praetorian guards and the suffrages of the senate. Consequently there arose many pretenders to the Principate, and there may have been even some thoughts of restoring the Republic, though this was hardly seriously contemplated. It was a moment, at least, when people talked much of “the senate and the Roman people”; but the actual decision lay in the hands of the armies. But the armies were not at one; and the result was a series of civil wars, in the course of which four Emperors rapidly succeeded one another, within the space of less than a year.
The praetorian soldiers had declared for Galba, and to him most eyes in Rome and probably in Italy looked. Having equipped himself for a contest of whose issue he despaired, Galba was waiting at Clunia in Tarraconensis, supported by the counsels of Otho, Titus Vinius and Cornelius Laco. His freedman, Icelus, who was acting in his interests at Rome, arrived with the news of Nero’s death seven days after the event, and Galba assumed the title of Caesar. The creation of an Emperor in the provinces was a new departure, and it served to give men a glimpse into the real conditions on which the Empire depended. “A secret of the Empire was revealed”, according to a famous saying of Tacitus, “that a Princeps could be made elsewhere than at Rome”.
The progress of the new Princeps to Rome was slow and stained with bloodshed. He was recognized by the senate, who sent a deputation which met him at Narbo Martius; but rival candidates for the supreme power sprang up on all sides, some formidable, others insignificant. The pretenders who arose in Spain and Gaul were easily disposed of, but more formidable were the pretensions of Fonteius Capito, the legatus of Lower Germany, and of Clodius Macer, the governor of Africa. Macer professedly aimed at restoring the Republic, and issued coins with the inscription pro praetore, in the republican style. He was killed by the imperial procurator at Galba’s instigation. Capito was slain by some of his officers who supported Galba, but without Galba’s orders. The army of Upper Germany regarded with hostility the Emperor who had been elevated in Spain, and still desired to elevate their own general, Verginius Rufus, but he persisted in his refusal. Galba, however, fearing his popularity with the army, summoned him to his presence, and forced him to accompany him to Rome.
Meanwhile the praetorian prefect Nymphidius Sabinus made an attempt to seize the Empire for himself. He supported his claim by pretending to be an illegitimate son of the Emperor Gaius. But he miscalculated his influence with the praetorians, who swore fidelity to Galba, and he was cut to pieces. The chief supporter of Nymphidius was the consul designate, Cingonius Varro, and he was put to death by Galba’s order. The slaughter of Petronius Turpilianus was also commanded, without any form of trial, because Nero had appointed him commander of his forces. When Galba approached Rome (in October) he was met at the Milvian bridge by marine soldiers, who had been enrolled by Nero. Galba seems to have regarded them as enemies, and ordered his soldiers to charge them, and entered the city over their bodies. Thus the path of the new Emperor was stained with blood.
Servius Sulpicius Galba was a man of family and wealth. The senate had reason to see in his elevation the prospect of a return to constitutional government. There is evidence to show that he wished to model his policy on that of Augustus. But he was not strong enough to hold his own. His talents were of very mediocre quality, and he has been described as rather free from vices than distinguished by virtues. He cared little for fame, nor was he grasping, though he was parsimonious to a fault. He was much under the influence of his friends and freedmen, and in difficulties depended on the advice of others more than on himself. His apparent wisdom was often mere indolence. But he was not equal to the greatness which was perhaps thrust upon him. “All”, says Tacitus, “would have agreed that he was fitted for empire, if he had not been an Emperor”. His short principate is marked by a succession of blunders. In the first place, his policy in Gaul had been unwise. He identified his own cause with the abortive revolt of Vindex, and while he rewarded