The True Life Stories of the Declaration of Independence Signers. Charles Augustus Goodrich
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of destiny, in contemplating this country, which, within a few years had arrived at such a pinnacle of splendour and majesty, and become formidable to the universe from the immensity of its power, now wasted by an intestine evil, a prey to civil discords, and madly hastening to the brink of the abyss, into which the united force of the most powerful nations of Europe struggled in vain to plunge it. Would to heaven, that my health had permitted my attendance here, when it was first proposed to tax America! If my feeble voice should not have been able to avert the torrent of calamities, which has fallen upon us, and the tempest which threatens us, at least my testimony would have attested, that I had no part in them.
"It is now an act that has passed; I would speak with decency of every act of this house, but I must beg the indulgence of the house to speak of it with freedom. There is an idea in some, that the Americans are virtually represented in this house; but I would fain know by what province, county, city, or borough, they are represented here? No doubt by some province, county, city, or borough, never seen or known by them, or their ancestors, and which they never will see or know.
"The commons of America, represented in their several assemblies, have ever been in possession of the exercise of this, their constitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it.
"I come not here, armed at all points with law cases, and acts of parliament, with the statute book doubled down in dog's ears, as my valiant adversary has done. But I know, at least, if we are to take example from ancient facts, that, even under the most arbitrary reigns, parliaments were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent, and allowed them representatives; and in our own times, even those who send no members to parliament, are all at least inhabitants of Great Britain Many have it in their option to be actually represented. They have connexions with those that elect, and they have influence over them. Would to heaven that all were better represented than they are! It is the vice of our constitution; perhaps the day will arrive, and I rejoice in the hope, when the mode of representation, this essential part of our organization, and principal safeguard of our liberty, will be carried to that perfection which every good Englishman must desire.
"I hear it said that America is obstinate, America is almost in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of ourselves. The honourable member has said also, for he is fluent in words of bitterness, that America is ungrateful: he boasts of his bounties towards her; but are not these bounties intended, finally, for the benefit of this kingdom 1 And how is it true, that America is ungrateful? Does she not voluntarily hold a good correspondence with us? The profits to Great Britain, from her commerce with the colonies, are two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The estates that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, seventy years ago, are at three thousand at present. You owe this to America. This is the price she pays for your protection. I omit the increase of population in the colonies; the migration of new inhabitants from every part of Europe; and the ulterior progress of American commerce, should it be regulated by judicious laws. And shall we hear a miserable financier come with a boast that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the exchequer to the loss of millions to the nation? The gentleman complains that he has been misrepresented in the public prints. I can only say, it is a misfortune common to all that fill high stations, and take a leading part in public affairs. He says, also, that when he first asserted the right of parliament to tax America, he was not contradicted. I know not how it is, but there is a modesty in this house, which does not choose to contradict a minister. If gentlemen do not get the better of this modesty, perhaps the collective body may begin to abate of its respect for the representative. A great deal has been said without doors, and more than is discreet, of the power, of the strength of America. But, in a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush America to atoms; but on the ground of this tax, when it is wished to prosecute an evident injustice, I am one who will lift my hands and my voice against it.
"In such a cause, your success would be deplorable, and victory hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace ? — not to sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of your countrymen I Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole house of Bourbon is against you? While France disturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your slave trade with Africa, and withholds from your subjects in Canada their property, stipulated by treaty? While the ransom for the Manillas is denied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror traduced into a mean plunderer? The Americans have not acted in all things with prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned? Rather let prudence and benignity come first from the strongest side. Excuse their errors; learn to honour their virtues. Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house what is really my opinion. I consider it most consistent with our dignity, most useful to our liberty, and in every respect the safest for this kingdom, that the stamp act be repealed, absolutely, totally, and immediately. At the same time, let the sovereign authority of this country over the colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can be devised, and oe made to extend to every point of legislation whatsoever; that we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoever, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent."
The impression made by this speech of Mr. Pitt, pronounced, as it was, with a firm and solemn tone, was deep and effectual. Much resentment was, indeed, manifested by all on account of the excesses committed by the Americans; but conviction had settled on the minds of a majority of parliament, that at least a partial retro cession on their part was necessary. Accordingly, on the putting of the question, February 22d, the repeal of the stamp act was carried in the house by a majority of 265 to 167. The vote in the house of peers was 155 to 61. On the 19th of March, the act of repeal received the royal assent.
Thus was put at rest, for a time, a question which had deeply agitated not only the colonies of America, but England itself; and had excited much attention throughout continental Europe. But it is more than probable, that even at this time the repealing act would not have passed, had it not been accompanied by a declaratory act, that the parliament had the right to make laws and statutes to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever.
The joy produced throughout England at this result, was greater than could have been anticipated, and no demonstrations were omitted which could testify the public sense of the kindness of the king, and the wisdom of the parliament. The flags of the ships were spread in token of felicitation; a general illumination of the city of London was made; salutes were fired; and bonfires kindled in every quarter.
But it was in America that a still higher joy prevailed, and still greater demonstrations of that joy were made. In the house of representatives in Massachusetts, a vote of gratitude to the king, and of thanks to Mr. Pitt, the Duke of Grafton, and others, was passed. By the house of burgesses in Virginia, it was resolved to erect a statue in honour of the king, and an obelisk in honour of all those, whether of the house of peers or of commons, who had distinguished themselves in favour of the rights of the colonies.
In the midst of this joy, the declaratory act, above mentioned, appears to have been little regarded. The extent and inadmissible character of its principles for a time remained unscrutinised. It was considered as appended to the act of repeal, to soften the prejudices of the opposition, and to save national honour from the imputation of being too greatly tarnished. But, in reality, it was designed as the recognition of a principle which the British politicians were unwilling to relinquish, and which they might in time have occasion to apply.
It is not, moreover, to be concealed, that universal and sincere as was the joy of the Americans, consequent on the repeal of the stamp act; the same cordiality was never felt by the colonies, as before the late disturbances. A strong disgust — a deep resentment, had fixed itself in the hearts of many; and a secret wish began to be felt, that the yoke were entirely removed. Perhaps, even at this early day, the hope was indulged, that the time would arrive, when this wish would become a reality.
In July, 1766, the administration of the Marquis of Rockingham