The True Life Stories of the Declaration of Independence Signers. Charles Augustus Goodrich
Читать онлайн книгу.
not the spirit that vapours within these walls, that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events, which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Look to the end. Whoever supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize, for which we contend; we must be equalty ignorant of the powers of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosoms, to hope we shall end this controversy without the sharpest, sharpest conflicts; to flatter ourselves, that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapour, will vanquish our fears. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this country ever saw."
The captain of the vessel at length returned, to say that the governor refused the requested passport. The meeting was immediately dissolved. A secret plan had been formed to mingle the tea with the waters of the ocean. Three different parties soon after sallied out, in the costume of Mohawk Indians, and precipitately made their way to the wharves. 'At the same time, the citizens were seen in crowds directing their course to the same place, to become spectators of a scene, as novel as the enterprise was bold. Without noise, without the tumult usual on similar occasions, the tea was taken from the vessel, by the conspirators, and expeditiously offered as an oblation "to the watery God."
Nothing could exceed the surprise of the British ministry, on learning the issue of their plan to introduce tea into the colonies. Their indignation was particularly severe against the inhabitants of Boston, for their " violent and outrageous conduct." In the following March, 1774, the whole affair was I presented to parliament by Lord North, and a determination was formed to punish both the citizens of Boston, and the inhabitants of the colony.
Accordingly, a bill was soon introduced into the house of commons, usually called the " Boston port bill," which prohibited the landing or shipping of any goods at that port, after the first of June following. By a second act, which followed, the charter of the colony was so altered, as to make the appointment of the council, justices, judges, sheriffs, and even jurors, dependent upon the king or his agent; and restraining all town meetings, except the annual meeting, without leave of the governor in writing, with a statement of the special business of the meeting. To these enactments a third was added, authorising the governor, with the advice of the council, to send any person for trial to any other colony, or to Great Britain, who should be informed against, or indicted for any act done in violation of the laws on the revenue.
On the arrival of the Boston port bill, which was brought over by a new governor, General Gage, the citizens of Boston, in an assembly which was convened to consider the subject, declared, "that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceeded all their powers of expression; and, therefore," said they, " we leave it to the consciences of others, and appeal to God and the world." — At the same time they adopted the following resolution: "That if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importations from, and exportations to Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same would prove the salvation of North America and her liberties."
Copies of these proceedings were immediately circulated through the colonies. A universal sympathy for the inhabitants of Boston was expressed. In Virginia, this sympathy was manifested by the house of burgesses, in the observance of the 1st of June, the day the port of Boston was to be shut, as a "day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer." Arrangements having been made for the meeting of the second continental congress, on the 5th of September, 1774, that body assembled at Philadelphia. All the colonies were represented, except Georgia. Peyton Randolph, a delegate from Virginia, was elected president, and Charles Thompson, a citizen of Philadelphia, was chosen secretary.
The attention of this celebrated congress was at an early date turned towards the province of Massachusetts, and the city of Boston; and the following resolutions were adopted, expressive of the sympathy they felt for that colony, in its distress, and the high sense which the congress entertained of the wisdom and fortitude which the colony exhibited. "This assembly deeply feels the sufferings of their countrymen in the Massachusetts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament; at the same time, they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted; and they earnestly recommend to their brethren a perseverance in the same firm. and temperate conduct, trusting that the effect of the united efforts of North America, in their behalf, will carry such conviction to the British nation, of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men and wiser measures."
Congress further addressed a letter to General Gage, earnestly praying him to put a stop to the hostile preparations which he had commenced, especially the fortifications around Boston, as the surest means of maintaining public tranquillity in that quarter, and preventing the horrors of a civil war. At the same time, they urged upon the citizens of that town all the forbearance within their power; that they should " conduct themselves peaceably towards his excellency, General Gage, and his majesty's troops stationed in Boston, as far as could possibly be consistent with the immediate safety and security of the town."
Congress next proceeded to publish a declaration of rights. These rights were set forth in the following articles:
"1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property; and they have never ceded to any foreign power whatever, a right to dispose of either, without their consent.
"2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from their mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England.
"3. That by such emigration, they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of such of them, as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.
"4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free governments, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and as the English colonists are not represented, and, from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented in the British parliament, they are entitled to as free and exclusive power of legislation, in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal policy, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such a manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed. But from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament as are bona fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue, on the subjects in America, without their consent.
"5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially, to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinity, according to the course of that law.
"6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization; and which they have by experience respectfully found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances.
"7. That these his majesty's colonies, are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges, granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws.
"8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the king; and all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal.
"9. That the keeping a standing army in these colonies in times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony, in which such an army is kept, is against law.
"10. It is indispensably