The True Life Stories of the Declaration of Independence Signers. Charles Augustus Goodrich
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edge. Such a bold opposition to the laws, was not suffered to pass unnoticed. But although commissioners were appointed to investigate the affair, and a reward of 500l. was offered for a discovery of the offenders, all efforts to detect them were futile.
The opposition to the royal provision for the salary of the governor, which we noticed in a preceding paragraph, was not confined to the assembly of Massachusetts. Numerous meetings were called in the various towns of the provinces,in relation, as well to this particular measure, as to other oppresr sire acts of the British parliament.
In these meetings, the town of Boston took the lead. A committee was appointed to address the several towns in the colony, and to urge upon them the importance of an unanimous expression of their feelings with regard to the conduct of the British ministry. "We have abundant reason to apprehend," said this committee, in their address, " that a plan of despotism has been concerted, and is hastening to a completion; the late measures of the administration have a direct tendency to deprive us of every thing valuable as men, as Christians, and as subjects, entitled to the rights of native Britons." — "We are not afraid of poverty," said they, in conclusion, — " but we disdain slavery. Let us consider, we are struggling for our best birth rights and inheritance; which, being infringed, renders all our blessings precarious in their enjoyment, and trifling in their value."
The proceedings of the assembly, and of the towns in Massachusetts, were communicated to the house of burgesses in Virginia, in March of 1773. Similar sentiments prevailed in that ancient and patriotic colony. It was apparent to that body, and began to be a prevailing opinion throughout the country, that to remain much longer in that particular state, was impossible. The future was indeed indistinct. But the wild confusion of the elements gave indications of an approaching storm. A portentous cloud hung over the country. It was the part of wisdom, at least, to think of preparation, and to ascertain in what attitude things stood in different sections of the country, together with the support the directing officers might expect, should the threatening tempest actually burst.
With these views, no doubt, the house of burgesses in Virginia, on the 12th of March, 1773, passed the following resolutions:
"Be it resolved, that a standing committee of correspondence and inquiry be appointed, to consist of eleven persons, to wit: the honourable Peyton Randolph, Esquire, Robert Carter Nicholas, Richard Bland, Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, Dudley Diggs, Dabney Carr, Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson, Esquires, any six of whom to be a committee, whose business it shall be to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of such acts and resolutions of the British parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to,or affect the British colonies; and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and communication with our sister colonies, respecting these important considerations, and the result of their proceedings from time to time to lay before the house."
Upon the recommendation of Virginia, similar committees of correspondence and inquiry were appointed by the different colonial assemblies; and a confidential interchange of opinions was thus kept up between the colonies. Great unity of sentiment was the consequence; and the value of the measure was fully developed, in the struggle which afterwards ensued between the colonies and the parent country.
By a series of direct oppressions, and through the resident officers of the crown, the hostility of the people of Massachusetts had become a settled principle; and about this time, it received additional strength, from the discovery and publication of certain letters, addressed to a member of parliament, in the years 1768 and 1769, by Mr. Hutchinson the governor, and Mr. Oliver the chief justice of the province.
The existence of these letters was communicated to Dr. Franklin, who at that time resided hi England, by a gentleman of his acquaintance, with the assurance that they contained statements calculated to prejudice the ministry and parliament against the people of Massachusetts, and to widen the breach between the two countries; and that they moreover recommended the employment of force to reduce the colonies to order and obedience.
The letters were, at length, shown by this gentleman to Dr. Franklin, who obtained copies of them to be sent to America, wily upon the express condition, that they should be confidentially shown to a few, and should not be again copied.
On their arrival in America, they were confidentially shown to the "few;" but it was scarcely possible that they should not be made the subject of conversation. By some means, the existence of such letters became known, beyond the original intention; and so intense was the curiosity excited by the subjected, that on the 2d of June, 1773, some of them were communicated by Samuel Adams to the assembly of Massachusetts, then sitting with closed doors, under the restriction that they should not be copied or published.
Notwithstanding the above restrictions, the contents of the letters were so extraordinary and so fully evidential of a design to subvert the constitution of the province by the introduction of arbitrary power, that the house, upon further deliberation, directed the whole to be published. They were induced to this course, by the fact, that several copies had got into circulation, from which it might be inferred, that the consent of the original owner had been obtained for that purpose.
The letters contained exaggerated statements and deliberate misrepresentations of occurrences in the colony, and recommended an alteration of the charter of Massachusetts, together with the institution of an order of patricians. They even hinted at the expediency of " taking off some of the original incendiaries."
The governor, unable to deny his own signature, presented the poor excuse that they were "confidential letters," and were written without any such object as was ascribed to them. But now, "proof was heaped upon the shoulders of demonstration," that Hutchinson, Oliver, and their adherents, had attempted to alienate the affections of the king and ministry from the colonies. The house of representatives, in an address to the king, broadly asserted this fact; and solicited, though in vain, that Hutchinson and Oliver might be removed from their places forever.
During these transactions in America, a plan was devising by the British ministry, to introduce tea into the colonies. The duty on this article, as already noticed, had been retained, for the purpose of maintaining the supremacy of parliament, and its right to impose taxes. Little of the article, however, had been imported into the country from Great Britain; the people having firmly resolved not to submit to the payment of the duty. In consequence of a strict adherence to this resolution, the teas of the East India Company had accumulated in their warehouses; and legislative aid became necessary to relieve them of their embarrasgments.
In 1773, the minister introduced a bill into parliament, allowing the company to export their teas to America, with a drawback of all the duties paid in England. By this regulation, tea would in fact become cheaper in America than in Great Britain, and it was expected that this consideration would induce the Americans to pay the small duty upon it.
On the passage of this bill, the company made a shipment of large quantities of tea to Charleston, Philadelphia, New-York, and Boston. Before its arrival, the resolution had been formed by the inhabitants of those places, that, if possible, it should not even be landed. That cargo destined for Charleston was, indeed, landed and stored; but was not permitted to be offered for sale. The vessels which brought tea to Philadelphia and New-York, were compelled to return to England with their cargoes, without even having made an entry at the custom-house.
It was designed by the leading patriots of Boston to make a similar disposition of the cargoes which were expected at that place; but on its arrival, the consignees were found to be the relations, or friends, of the governor, and they could not be induced to resign their trust. Several town meetings were held on the subject, and spirited resolutions passed, that no considerations would induce the inhabitants to permit the landing of the tea. Orders were at the same time given to the captains to obtain clearances at the custom-house, without the usual entries; but this the collector pertinaciously refused.
It was in this state of things, that the citizens of Boston again assembled, to determine what measures to adopt. During the discussions had on the posture of affairs, and while a captain of a vessel was gone to wait upon the governor, for the last time, to request a passport, Josiah Quincy, Jun. rose, and addressed the assembly in the following eloquent style: "It