A Companion to Global Gender History. Группа авторов
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for “cut out” and was the word he used to indicate the circumcision of the female. Other ancient textual references to the Egyptian practice of female circumcision are the Greek physician Soranus (first to second centuries CE) and Galen (130–210 CE), although his text is no longer extant and reference to it is found in Aetios, the Greek physician of the sixth century CE who attended Emperor Justinian. It is in Aetios’s text that a description of the procedure is provided. In this text it appears that the excising of the clitoris is linked to issues of excessive sexual desire in the female/feminine. Aetios describes the Egyptian practice in his sixteenth book:
The so‐called nymphe [clitoris] is a sort of muscular or skin‐like structure that lies above the juncture of the labia minora; below it the urinary outlet is positioned. [This structure] grows in size and is increased to excess in certain women, becoming a deformity and a source of shame. Furthermore, its continual rubbing against the clothes irritates it, and that stimulates the appetite for sexual intercourse. On this account, it seemed proper to the Egyptians to remove it before it became greatly enlarged, especially at that time when the girls were about to be married [as with the Sande sodality, discussed below in the section “Circumcision and the Sande and Poro of the Mende of Sierra Leone”]. Surgery is performed in this way: Have the girl sit on a chair while a muscled young man standing behind her places his arms below the girl's thighs. Have him separate and steady her legs and whole body. Standing in front and taking hold of the clitoris with a broad‐mouthed forceps in his left hand, the surgeon stretches it outward, while with the right hand, he cuts off at the point next to the pincers of the forceps. It is proper to let a length remain from cut off, about the size of the membrane that’s between the nostrils, so as to take away excess material only; as I have said, the part to be removed is at that point just above of the forceps. Because the clitoris is a skin‐like structure and stretches out excessively, do [not] cut off too much, as a urinary fistula (ῥoιάς) may result from cutting such large growths deeply. After the surgery, it is recommended to treat the wound with wine or cold water, wiping it clean with a sponge to sprinkle frankincense powder on it. Absorbent linen bandages dipped in vinegar should be secured in place, and a sponge in turn dipped in vinegar placed above.
(Aetios in Knight, 2001: 327–328)
From Aetios’s discussion, however, there is no suggestion that the cutting is a rite of passage; rather, the ektemnō is medically used for “certain” women, although how those women are determined is unclear. Strabo directly links male (peritemnō) and female (ektemnō) circumcision and uses terms that draw on the same root word temnō – “to cut” – for both of these, with peri meaning around, so to cut around, in the case of male circumcision and ek meaning to cut out in the instance of female circumcision. By contrast, Aetios seems to treat female cutting as a medical procedure engaged in by Egyptian physicians in circumstances where the “nymphe” is taken to have grown to excess, the outcome of which is not seen to be good. This was also the logic of nineteenth‐century Euro‐Western doctors who performed cliterodectomies to help women suffering from similar problems, particularly what was then termed nymphomania or the repeated excitation of the nymphe or clitoris brought on by masturbation, a nineteenth‐century so‐called disease (Rodriguez, 2007). Still, that Aetios locates this surgery as occurring “especially at times the girls were about to be married” does suggest a rite of passage.
Earlier Egyptian references to female circumcision are found in two other ancient texts: one dated to the second century BCE wherein a young woman, Tathemis, is said to have reached her time of circumcision which required money to perform, and the other, a magical spell, comes from a Middle Kingdom tomb (1991–1786 BCE) (Knight, 2001: 329–30) wherein a spell required a substance called b3d from an uncircumcised girl as part of its ingredients. This spell, as Knight argues in her text, assumes female genital circumcision when identifying a group of females as uncircumcised.
Regardless if engaged in for ritual or medical reasons, the cutting of the genitals marks the body and in so doing creates and/or maintains gender and in this gender identity. The ritual circumcision of boys appears to have been practiced in the Old Kingdom period of Egypt, while female circumcision’s earliest certain reference is the first century BCE and first century CE, two millennia later. Male circumcision thus appears to have a deeper history than female circumcision, and also appears to have emerged as a rite of passage for boys transiting toward adult status and/or a rite of passage for priests. Although it is unclear if female circumcision was also a rite of a passage for young girls transiting toward adult status, the story of Tathemis and Aetios’s comments are suggestive that the practice occurred and was connected to achieving a gendered adult status. Knight argues that the representation of female circumcision by Greeks “shifted the custom into the realm of physician‐surgeon” (329) and that it could have been connected to ensuring generation was possible because it was linked to marriage (336). This can only be a guess as there is no other information beyond this reference. Female circumcision, even if not clearly related to a definitive rite in this context, marked the child as female and in need of physical alteration in order to successfully negotiate marriage and in this gendered adulthood.
Ancient Egypt is one of the earliest sites for reference to the rite of circumcision, while the text of Genesis 17 in the Tanakh (Hebrew Bible), dated to the Jewish exile in Babylon (597–38 BCE), registers infant male circumcision as a sacrificial rite to ensure relations between deity and humans, in this case Abraham and his family and descendants. Continuing in the texts of the Tanakh, Exodus, Joshua, and Leviticus all locate male circumcision as necessary in order to be in right relationship with the deity in the texts. Exodus 4: 24–6, also most likely from the exilic period, presents YHWH (sometimes spelled Yahweh in English) as seeking to kill Moses. Only the swift action of Tsipporah, his wife, circumcising their son and offering YHWH the bloody foreskin allowed her to ward off the deity’s murderous intent. In Joshua 5–6, dated to the seventh or eighth century BCE, to march with YHWH’s divine army the Jewish male warriors must be circumcised, while in Leviticus 12, dated to the sixth century BCE, circumcision of eight‐day old males is stated as a divine requirement. The interplay between deity and human male is established through the rite of circumcision, something not required of Jews marked as female. Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BCE – 40 CE) argued that female circumcision was unnecessary as she was inert matter and therefore did not shape the nature of the child, nor was the female/feminine subject to the same kind of excessive desires as the male/masculine (1993, QG: 47).
Circumcision, Identity, and Rites of Passage
Practiced in ancient worlds, circumcision continues to be performed in the modern world around the globe. Along with people who circumcise infant boys for religious or health reasons, peoples throughout the Middle East, Northern, Western and sub‐Saharan African countries, Polynesia, and Australia have practiced male circumcision as a rite of passage. Female circumcision as a rite of passage is less often encountered, turning up in North, West, East and sub‐Saharan Africa, and in modern Egypt.
Both female and male circumcision involve altering the genitals. The alteration of the genitals signifies in multiple ways, but one of the most meaningful is identity: identity that is constructed and performed in terms of age, gender, sexuality, kinship, and membership in the larger community. The cut establishes divisions between kinds, however kinds are determined.
For example, among the Kuria of Kenya the cut of the penis and vagina creates/marks/reinforces low social status from high social status, child from adult, female from male, non‐marriageable from marriageable, non‐traditionalists from traditionalists, inauthentic Kuria from authentic Kuria, urban from rural, the shameful from the prideful, and the cowardly from the brave (Prazak, 2016). Critically engaging the language of circumcision, Boke Joyce Wambura writes that:
The one who defecates in the cattle corral and the one with foul smell metaphors are used for the uncircumcised women. To defecate in the cattle corral is taboo among the Kuria people. It is believed that if you defecate in the corral you are a coward who is not brave enough to go out to the nearby bushes and relieve yourself. It therefore shows that an uncircumcised woman is a coward who cannot face the night in the same way she has not faced the knife/razor.