A Companion to Global Gender History. Группа авторов
Читать онлайн книгу.
Priestesses in Contemporary Cults and Churches. Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 27–37.
29 Martin, Emily (1992) The Woman in the Body: A Cultural Analysis of Reproduction. Boston: Beacon Press.
30 May, Vivian (2015) Pursuing Intersectionality, Unsettling Dominant Imaginaries. New York and London: Routledge.
31 Morley, David (2005) “Media,” in T. Bennett, L. Grossberg, and M. Morris, eds. New Keywords: A Revised Vocabulary of Culture and Society. Oxford: Blackwell, 211–14.
32 Paden, William (1994) Religious Worlds: Elements of a New Comparativism. Boston: Beacon Press.
33 Pemunta, N.V. and Tabenyang, T.C.‐J. (2017) “Cultural Power, Ritual Symbolism and Human Rights Violations in Sierra Leone.” Cogent Social Sciences 3 (1), 1–27. doi:10.1080/23311886.2017.1295549.
34 Phillips, Ruth B. (1978) “Masking in Mende Sande Society Initiation Rituals.” Africa 48 (3): 265–77.
35 Phillips, Ruth B. (1995) Sande Masquerades of the Mende of Sierra Leone. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History.
36 Philo of Alexandria (1993) “Questions and Answers on Genesis III,” in C.D. Yonge, trans. The Works of Philo: Complete and Unabridged, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson.
37 Prazak, Miroslava (2016) Making the Mark: Gender, Identity and Genital Cutting. Athens, OH: Ohio University Research in International Studies.
38 Richards, J.V.O. (1973) “The Sande and Some of the Forces that Inspired its Creation or Adoption with some References to the Poro.” Journal of Asian and African Studies 8(1), 69–77.
39 Richards, Paul (2016) “A Matter of Grave Concern? Charles Jedrej’s Work on Mende Sodalities, and the Ebola Crisis.” Critical Africa Studies 8 (1): 80–91.
40 Rodriguez, S. W. (2007) “Rethinking the History of Female Circumcision and Clitoridectomy: American Medicine and Female Sexuality in the late Nineteenth Century.” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 63 (3): 323–47.
41 Roth, A. M. (1991) Egyptian Phyles in the Old Kingdom: The Evolution of a System of social Organization. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, no. 48. Chicago, IL: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
42 Schiebinger, Londa (2004) “Feminist History of Colonial Science.” Hypatia 19 (1), 233–54.
43 Schon, J. (1884) Vocabulary of the Mende Language. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Available at https://archive.org/stream/vocabularymende00schgoog/vocabularymende00schgoog_djvu.txt.
44 Shear, S., Hart, L., and Diekema, D. (2012) “Female Genital Cutting: The Misnomer of Female Circumcision,” in D.A. Bolnick, M. Koyle, and A. Yosha, eds. Surgical Guide to Circumcision. London: Springer‐Verlag, 281–9.
45 Sparks, Kenton L. (2005) Ancient Texts for the Study of the Hebrew Bible: A Guide to the Background Literature. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.
46 Theisen, Matthew (2011) Contesting Conversion: Genealogy, Circumcision and Identity in Ancient Judaism and Christianity. New York: Oxford University Press.
47 Tuana, Nancy (2004) “Coming to Understand: Orgasm and the Epistemology of Ignorance.” Hypatia 19 (1), 194–232.
48 van Gennep, Arnold (1960) The Rites of Passage, trans. M.B. Vizedom and G.L. Caffee, introduction by S.T. Kimball. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
49 Wambura, Boke Joyce (2018) Gender and Language Practices in Female Circumcision Ceremonies in Kuria, Kenya. PhD thesis, University of Leeds.
50 White, Hayden (1987) The Content of Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
51 Wyatt, Nick (2009) “Circumcision and Circumstance: Male Genital Mutilation in Ancient Israel and Ugarit.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 33 (4): 405–31.
52 Zucconi, Laura M. (2007) “Medicine and Religion in Ancient Egypt.” Religion Compass 1(1): 26–37.
NOTES
1 1 See the work of Ursula Le Guin and Donna Haraway for challenges to this limited view of reproduction.
2 2 Spay is the term used by the translators of the Loeb version that I am using. However, the word choice has more to do with an odd modesty than translation of the Greek and I have used excise to hold to the intentions of the original Greek.
3 3 The myth of the founding of the Poro relates a narrative about a wealthy and powerful old man or chieftain of the town who developed a disease of the nose (a metonym for the penis) and retreated or was made to retreat, to the bush with his wife Mabole and daughter Gboni. Although the other important men of the village continued to consult him, they decided to kill him, his wife, and his daughter and take his land. The townspeople, however, continued to want to consult the old man and so his killers told the townsfolk the old man had turned into a devil. To further frighten the people and provide proof of their story, they invented the Poro horn in order to imitate the old man’s voice. With the blowing of the horn, the first Poro was enacted and the male children were introduced to the devil. A mask representing the devil Gbeni frightens the women and uninitiated away in order to gather up the young boys who are to be initiated (Cosentino, 1982: 22–3; Arewa and Hale, 1975: 83).
Chapter Five Gender Rules: Law and Politics
Susan Kingsley Kent
Law, Freud theorized in a number of his later works, first arose when a primitive band of brothers rose up to kill their authoritarian father, who had monopolized sexual access to the women in their tribe. Out of their shame and guilt in committing parricide and in engaging in sexual intercourse with women of close relation, they produced three rules –the taboos against parricide and incest, and the proclamation of equality amongst the brothers – which established, Freud argued, the foundation of law in human society (Pateman, 1988). In yet another example of the many efforts over the course of centuries in virtually every culture in the world to explain how human societies and polities came into existence, Freud attributed to a conflict in gender and sexual relationships the development of a legal and political system that operated to bring civilization to prehistoric peoples. His story, of course, is no more accurate or real than any of those that had gone before, but it serves as a useful example of the ways in which gender and law and politics have been inextricably intertwined in myths about the origins of human society, in theories of law and politics, and in the workings of law and politics in everyday life. It gives vivid witness to Joan Scott’s pathbreaking theory that gender – what we’ve construed to be the sexual differences between men and women – is one of the most significant and oft‐used means by which we articulate and represent relations of power (Scott, 1988).
Almost everywhere we look, whether it be ancient Greece or Rome, medieval China or Europe, Renaissance Italy, precolonial Africa, indigenous America, early modern England, or revolutionary America or France, political elites told themselves and their subjects and constituents stories about how their societies had first emerged and how the right to exercise power and to make law had come to rest with them. In virtually all of these cultures, whether ruled by divine‐right absolute monarchs, hereditary aristocracies, or councils of citizens, law and politics depended upon a model of familial, and thus gender and sexual, relations for their conceptualization. Kinship, it appears, served as the model not only for most forms of social organization but for most forms of political ordering as well.
This may seem commonsensical, almost natural, but it is vital to remember that family, gender, and sexual arrangements are always fashioned within particular political, social, economic, and cultural circumstances.